

^ 



^f^f^^ 



*^ * ^ ^/ 



LIFE 



AND 



PUBLIC SERVICES 

GROVER CLEVELAND, 

Twenty Second Pkesidknt op the United States and 
Democratic Nominee for Rti-ELLCTioN, 18S8. 



AN INTRODUCTORY SKETCH BY THE LATE WM. DORSHEIMF.R, ENLARGED 

AND CONTINUED THROUGH THE PRESENT ADMINISTRATION 

TO THE DATE OF PUBLICATION. 



TOGETHER with a sketch of 



The Life a^d Public Services of 

ALLEN G. THURMAN, 

Ex-United Statfs Fenator fr^m Ohio and Democratic 
Nominee Fuk Vice-President. 



AN ACCOUNT OF THE DEMOCRATS NATIONAL CONVENTION, ST. LOUIS 
1888; STATEMENT OF DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES, AND A HAND- 
BOOK OF USEFUL POLITICAL INFORMATION. 

By W- XJ. HENSEL, 

OF CO/ 



assisted by 



OBO. K. PARKER. , 4. ,g 8 g ' 

Ashing* 
PROFUSELY ILLUSTRATED. 



ASH I NgVO^' 



HUBBARD BROTHERS, Publishers, 

PHILADELPHIA, CHICAGO, KANSAS CITY; 

Guernsey Publishing Co., Boston; Jas. Morris & Co., Cincinnati; 
Pfc.RRY Publishing Co., Denver; A. L. Bancroft & Co., 

San Francisco. 



Copyright, 1888, by Hubbard Bros. 



/ 



3^ 



PUBLISHERS* PREFACE. 




*~ "^HE following sketches of the Democratic 
nominees for President and Vice-Presi- 
dent of the United States in the National 
campaign of 1888 are the joint work of several 
minds in harmonious collaboration. In 1884 tne 
late Hon. William Dorsheimer, of New York, the 
friend and acquaintance for many years of Presi- 
dent Cleveland, wrote for the present publishers 
a comprehensive sketch of his career, which 
necessarily ended before the beginning of his 
notable experience as President. In the prepa- 
ration of the present work as much as possible of 
that biography has been preserved, and in the 
main it furnished the first four chapters of the 
accompanying book. Such portions of it as re- 
lated to the services of Mr. Cleveland in the 
Gubernatorial chair of New York have been con- 
densed into Chapters V. and VI. Beyond this 
point the volume is entirely new and com- 
prises by far the most interesting period of Presi- 
dent Cleveland's public life. It presents for the 
first time a continuous narrative of his official acts 
and personal movements during his Presidential 

iii 



IV PUBLISHERS' PREFACE. 

term, together with the many notable addresses 
delivered by him upon political and other topics 
during the past three years. It will be found to 
be especially comprehensive in its statement of 
the Tariff Reform Issue of 1888 and the Presi- 
dent's relation thereto. 

This part of the work, together with the biog- 
raphy of Mr. Thurman, an enlarged statement 
of Democratic principles, and an account of the 
St. Louis Convention is from the pen of W. U. 
Hensel of Lancaster, Pa., assisted at every stage 
of its preparation by George F. Parker, a trained 
journalist and thorough student of American 
politics. 

It is confidently believed that this volume, an- 
ticipating all like publications, will not only take 
first place as a " campaign biography," but will 
have permanent interest and value as a contri- 
bution to contemporaneous political history. 

The Publishers. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. PAG „ 

Parentage, Early Life, and Education 21 

CHAPTER II. 
His Career at the Buffalo Bar 52 

CHAPTER HI. 
The Mayoralty and Municipal Reform 40 

CHAPTER IV. 
The Democratic Canvass for Governor of New York in 1882 52 

CHAPTER V. 
First Year as Governor 61 

CHAPTER VI. 
Second Year as Governor 74 

CHAPTER VII. 
The Canvass and Convention of 1884 91 

CHAPTER VIII. 
The Cleveland-Blaine Presidential Campaign 99 

CHAPTER IX. 
Preparing for the New Administration 121 

vii 



v iii CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER X. page 

The Inauguration 13 2 

CHAPTER XI. 
The President and Congress 161 

CHAPTER XII. 
Courtship, Marriage, and Domestic Life 180 

CHAPTER XIII. 
The President's Tours Through the Country ....... 202 

CHAPTER XIV. 
The Tour to the South and West 224 

CHAPTER XV. 
Exercise of the Veto Power 241 

CHAPTER XVI. 
Democratic Tariff Reform Policy 268 

CHAPTER XVII. 
Personal Qualities of the President 2S7 



CONTENTS. 



Life of Thurman. 

CHAPTER I. page 

The Office of Vice-President 305 

CHAPTER II. 

The Lineage and Youth of Thurman 313 

CHAPTER III. 
Mr. Thurman as a Lawyer — At the Bar and on the Bench . 323 

CHAPTER IV. 

Early Interest in Politics — On the Stump and in Congress 

— Elected to the Senate 334 

CHAPTER V. 

Mr. Thurman in the Senate of United States 3:5 

CHAPTER VI. 

Thurman in the Days of Reconstruction 358 

CHAPTER VII. 

Notable Speeches — The Elective Franchise — Chinese Immi- 
gration — Silver Coinage 3/6 

ix 



x CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER VIII. page 

Compelling the Pacific Railways to Account 391 

CHAPTER IX. 

A Plea for Religious Toleration— Perils of the Republic- 
Miscellaneous Addresses 4° 7 

CHAPTER X. 

Delegate to the International Monetary Conference — 
Arbitrator and Counselor — Telephone Suits and 
Tally Sheet Forgery Cases 418 

CHAPTER XI. 

Some Personal Characteristics — Mr. Thurman at Home . . 429 

CHAPTER XII. 

The Call from Political Retirement — Nomination for the 

Vice-Presidency 439 



CONTENTS. 



Record of the Democratic National Convention, 

: 38. 



CHAPTER I. PAGIi 

Arranging for the Convention 453 

CHAPTER II. 
The First Day's Proceedings .. . , . . . 456 

CHAPTER III. 

The Second Day's Proceedings —Chairman Collins's Speech — 

Daniel Dougherty's Speech 460 

CHAPTER IV. 

The Third Day's Proceedings — Tin-: Pla i form —Speeches 
and Resolutions— Nominating a Vice-President — The 

National Committee — The President Notified— Noti- 
fying Mr. Thurman 480 



CONTENTS. 



Principles of the Democratic Party. 

CHAPTER I. 
The Principles of Washington 507 

CHAPTER II. 

Principles of Jefferson 512 

CHAPTER III. 
The Principles of Madison 515 

CHAPTER IV. 
The Principles of jackson 518 

CHAPTER V. 
ThkPkincipi.es of Tilden 525 

CHAPTER VI. 
The Principles of Tariff Reform j$$ 

xii 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 



President Cleveland (steel), Frontispiece. 

State Street and Capitol, Albany, N. Y., . 53 

The Governor's Mansion, Albany, N. Y., . 6/ 

Executive Chamber of Capitol, Albany, N. Y., 85 

The White House, Washington, D. C, . 91 

Democratic Nominating Convention of 1884, 109 

Capitol at Washington, . . . . 123 

Starting for the Inauguration, . . 133 

Hon. Thomas A. Bayard, . . . . 139 

Hon. Augustus II. Garland, .... 143 

Hon. W. C. Whitney, 147 

Hon. W. C. Kndicott, . . . . .151 

Hon. William F. Vilas, 155 

The Late Hon. Samuel J. Tilden, . . 159 

The Late Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks,. . 159 

Hon. L. O. C. Lamar, 177 

Mrs. Cleveland as a Bride, . . . . 185 

xv 



X V i ILL US TRA TIONS. 

President Cleveland's Wedding, . . . 191 

Rose Elizabeth Cleveland, ... 195 
Rev Byron Sunderland, D. D., . . .195 

Chief Rooms of the White House, . . 199 

Greetings at the Railway Station, . , . 225 

Mrs, Cleveland (phototype), .... 2S9 

Allfn G. Thurman (steel), 303 

Hon. Don M. Dickinson, . ... . 449 

Hon Charles S. Fairchild, . . . . 449 

Hon. Patrick A. Collins, . . . . 473 

Hon. Daniel Dougherty, 473 

Hon. Daniel Manning, 503 

Hon. Samuel J. Randall, ..... 503 

President's Reception Room in the Capitol, 535 

State, War. and Navy Departments, . . 559 



THE LIKE 



OF 



Grover Cleveland, 



Twenty-Second President of the United States and 
Democratic Nominee for Re-election, 1888. 



"The Government can never be restored and reformed except from inside, and 
by the active, intelligent agency of the Executive. We must hope that Providence 
will, in its own good time, raise up a man adapted and qualified for the wise execution 
of this great work, and that the people will put him in possession of the executive 
administration, through which alone that noble mission can be accomplished, and the 
health ard life of our political system be preserved and invigorated." — Samuel y. 
Tilden to Iroquois Club, Chicago, March nth, 18S2. 



CHAPTER I. 

PARENTAGE, EARLY LIFE, AND EDUCATION. 

G ROVER CLE VELAN D was born at Cald- 
well, Essex County, N. J., on the iSth 
day of March, 1837. ^ IS father, Richard 
F. Cleveland, was a Presbyterian minister, the 
son of William Cleveland, a watchmaker, who 
lived at Norwich, Conn. His mother was Anna 
Neal, the daughter of an Irishman, a bookseller 
and publisher in Baltimore, Md., who had married 
Barbara Real, a German Ouakeress, of German- 
town, Pa. The child who has become President 
of the United States was baptized in infancy Ste- 
phen Grover, the name of his father's predecessor 
in the Caldwell pastorate, but early in life young 
Cleveland dropped the first name. 

In 1 841 the Rev. Richard F. Cleveland moved to 
Fayetteville, Onondaga County, N. Y. The fam- 
ily lived there nine years and then removed to 
Clinton, Oneida County, and in 1853 to Holland 
Patent, a small village fifteen miles north of Utica. 
Three weeks after he began his ministry here he 
died, leaving a widow and nine children, of whom 
Grover was the third. 

The mother upon whom this sudden responsi- 
bility had fallen was a woman of dignified appear- 
ance, with a kindly face and unusual strength of 

21 



2 2 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

character. She combined the traits of her Irish and 
German ancestors. She lived to rear and educate 
her large family and died in April, 1882. Mr. 
and Mrs. Cleveland are buried in the cemetery at 
Holland Patent. Their children have erected a 
monument to mark their graves It bears the 
following inscriptions : 

Rev. R. F. CLEVELAND, 

Pastor at 

Holland Patent, 

Died Oct. 1, 1853 

Aged 49 years. 



ANNA NEAL, 

Wife of 

R. F. Cleveland, 

Died July 10, 1882, 

Aged 78 years. 
Her children arise up 
And call her blessed. 

Grover had received such teaching as the 
country schools could furnish. But his father's 
narrow means compelled him to earn his living as 
soon as possible, and when he was fourteen years 
of age he became a clerk in a country store at 
Fayetteville. His salary the first year was fifty 
dollars, and he was to have one hundred dollars 
the second year. The removal of the family to 
Clinton gave Grover an opportunity to attend the 
academy there, and he left Fayetteville before the 
end of the second year. At Clinton he pursued 
the usual preparatory studies, intending to enter 



PA RENTAGE, EARL Y LIFE, AND EDUCATION. 23 

Hamilton College. But his father's death shut 
him out of college and compelled him to begin the 
struggle of life. He was then seventeen years 
old. 

His elder brother William had found employ- 
ment as a teacher in the New York Institution for 
the Blind, which is situated on Ninth Avenue 
between Thirty-third and Thirty-fourth streets. 
In October, 1853, William was appointed princi- 
pal in the male department, and about the same 
time Grover was appointed his assistant. The 
pupils were taught orally, there being at that time 
few text-books which could be read by the sense 
of touch. Grover remained at the institution a 
little more than a year. He passed the winter 
of 1854-5 at his mothers house in Holland Patent 
This was the last of his home life. A neighbor, 
the late Ingham Townsend, who had become 
interested in the youth, proposed to him that he 
should enter college with a view of making the 
ministry his profession, but the young man's mind 
was already fixed upon the law, and declining his 
friend's offer, he asked him for a loan of twenty- 
five dollars, to carry him to Cleveland, Ohio, where 
he hoped for employment in a lawyer's office. 
On his way west he stopped in Buffalo to visit his 
uncle, Lewis F. Allen. Mr. Allen, who is still 
livinof at an advanced ag;e, was one of the most 
influential citizens of Buffalo. He was the owner 
of a large farm on Grand Island, in the Niagara 



24 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

river, where he had a herd of short-horn cattle, 
and lived at Black Rock, formerly a separate 
town, but which had been lately annexed to 
Buffalo. Mr. Allen's house is pleasantly situated 
on the bank of the river, and in the midst of con- 
siderable grounds. It is an ample old-fashioned 
brick building, and was built by General Peter B. 
Porter, who lived there for many years. A broad 
hall runs from the front door to the western 
piazza, which commands a wide view of the 
Niagara and the Canadian shore. A mile or two 
to the north-west are the ruins of Fort Erie, 
the scene of desperate fighting during the War of 
1812, in which General Porter had been greatly 
distinguished. At this point the river is an inter- 
esting sight. It sweeps by with a current of 
between six and seven miles an hour and its broad 
green surface is flecked with foam and broken by 
countless eddies. It is not difficult for one who 
looks upon the tumultuous river and listens to its 
deep voice to imagine that it feels some premoni- 
tion of the agony which awaits it below. Grover 
was no stranger to his uncle's hospitable roof. 
He had made frequent visits there during his 
boyhood. He told Mr. Allen of his intention to 
go to Cleveland and study law. But his uncle 
strongly advised him to remain in Buffalo. The 
young man had no acquaintances in Cleveland, 
while Mr. Allen knew all the principal people in 
.Buffalo and held close and friendly relations with 



PARENTAGE, EARLY LIFE, AND EDUCATION. 25 

them. Mr. Allen had, not long before, begun the 
compilation of the "Short-horn Herd Book," and 
he proposed that Grover should assist him, offering 
him compensation and a comfortable home. In 
the autumn, on Mr. Allen's application, Grover 
entered the law office of Henry W. Rogers and 
Denis Bowen, who, under the firm name of Rogers 
& Bowen, did a large business at the bar of 
Erie County. Thus began Grover Cleveland's 
life in Buffalo. 

It may be well enough to consider his surround- 
ings. Buffalo was then a city with about one 
hundred thousand inhabitants. It was a com- 
mercial and manufacturing community, and held 
in its control the lake commerce, then growing 
into great dimensions. There were many notable 
men among its citizens. Mr. Fillmore had two 
years before left the Presidency and returned to 
live there. His neighbor, Nathan K. Hall, who 
had served in his cabinet as Postmaster-General, 
was United States Judge of the Northern District 
of New York. Solomon G. Haven, a lawyer of 
remarkable talent, then a member of Congress, 
was the leader of the bar. Retired from his pro- 
fession and from politics was Albert H. Tracy, 
who may be described as the most interesting 
and distinguished figure in Buffalo at that time. 
He had been chosen to Congress before he was 
old enough to take his seat, and had served in 
the House of Representatives during the admin- 



26 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

istrations of Monroe and John Quincy Adams ; 
he had been for eight years in the State Senate ; 
and in the Court of Errors he had won a judicial 
reputation, hardly inferior to any in the history of 
the State. He had acted both with the Whig and 
the Democratic parties. But it was his misfortune 
to be out of relation, in both instances, with the 
leader of his parties. He despised Jackson, and 
disliked Clay. He had assisted Seward, Weed, 
and Fillmore to create the Whig party, and left it 
in 1840, in the hour of its triumph. Mr. Webster 
tried to persuade him into Tyler's cabinet with 
the offer of the Treasury Department, but he 
declined, preferring, doubtless, to retain his Dem- 
ocratic associations which the acceptance of Mr. 
Webster's offer would have broken. Mr. Tracy 
never held office afterwards. He devoted so 
much of his time as was necessary to the care of 
his estate, but gave himself chiefly to reading and 
the society of those who interested him. Mr. 
Tracy exercised a great influence over all young 
men who came within his reach, and it is impos- 
sible to speak of Buffalo at that time without 
recalling his gracious presence, his kindly counsels 
and his delightful and instructive conversation. 
Mr. Allen was one of Mr. Tracy's intimate 
friends and the nephew was soon taken to the 
Tracy house. 

The gentlemen who made the firm of Rogers 
& Bowen were both notable men. Henry W. 



PARENTAGE, EARLY LIFE, AXD EDUCATION. 2 J 

Rogers was a large man with a somewhat loud 
but hearty manner. He had at command a great 
store of anecdote, and without being witty he 
easily said smart things, and still more easily 
bitter ones. Mr. Rogers was the advocate of the 
firm, and was a strong jury lawyer. 

Denis Bowen was a very different person. He 
was quiet and unobtrusive, never went into court, 
nor ever sought publicity. He was a master of 
detail, an excellent business lawyer, with a calm 
dispassionate judgment to which his clients 
trusted implicitly. Beneath a somewhat cold 
manner was hidden a most gentle disposition, and 
Denis Bowen was not only greatly respected, but 
greatly loved by those among whom he lived. 

At that time upon the bench of the Superior 
Court were Isaac A. Verplanck, Joseph G. Masten 
and George W. Clinton. The latter of these is still 
extensively known, and I will, therefore, not speak 
of him. Judge Verplanck had a vigorous and 
thoroughly unpartial mind, and a huge unwieldy 
body. No one could ever find how much he 
weighed. He once made a journey to the plains 
in the stage-coach days, with Mr. Fargo and a 
party of gentlemen. It was arranged that the 
coach should be driven on to the scales at the next 
station and weighed, passengers and all, and then 
Verplanck's weight was to be got by deducting 
the weight of the coach and the other passengers. 
But no sooner did the driver pull up than the 



28 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

Judge, who was as quick of mind as slow of body, 
saw what his friends were at, and jumped from 
the coach before its weight could be taken. Judge 
Verplanck was a good lawyer and an excellent 
judge. As a nisi prius judge he could not be 
excelled. His dislike of work made him impa- 
tient of delay, and eager to get through. Busi- 
ness before him was done rapidly. But it was in 
criminal cases that his generous heart showed 
itself. There was little danger that injustice 
would be done in his court to any criminal, how- 
ever wretched, friendless, or guilty. Once he 
sent for a young lawyer and asked him to defend a 
man charged with murder. The youthful advocate 
pleaded his inexperience and dread of the respon- 
sibility. "Have no fear," said the Judge; "I 
will see to it that your client does not suffer." 
In private Judge Verplanck w r as the pleasantest 
of companions. He was fond of food, of wine 
and good company. There was no bitterness in 
his temper, but always a genial sunshine which 
made him welcome everywhere. 

Joseph G. Masten was by far the most learned 
lawyer in Buffalo. Those who knew him and 
others well enough to judge, thought there was 
no better lawyer anywhere. Like Verplanck, he 
had a great social charm, and was a prominent 
figure in a society full of able and interesting 
men. 

After the death of Mr. Haven, which took place 



PARENTAGE, EARLY LIFE, AND EDUCATION. 29. 

in 1 86 1, John Garison came to be the leader of 
the Buffalo bar. He had a clear and vigorous 
intellect and untiring industry. He had been 
carefully educated and thoroughly trained for his 
profession. No one could equal him in the care 
with which his causes were prepared, nor in the 
clearness with which, brushing aside all extrane- 
ous matter, he presented the essential points of 
his argument. He had no eloquence, but his 
lucidity and conciseness, and his instinct for the 
strong points of a case, made him a very success- 
ful advocate. He served with distinction in Con- 
gress and in the State Senate, and his sudden 
death, in 1874, brought to a close a career which 
was full of promise. 

The principal person in Buffalo society at that 
time was Dr. Walter Cary, a gentleman widely 
known in this country and in Europe. The doc- 
tor had retired from his profession by reason of 
delicate health. A large estate and a ready dis- 
position to new enterprises, gave him abundant 
occupation. Travel and society were his chief 
pleasures, and the influence of his example did 
much to give to Buffalo its reputation for hospi- 
tality. 

Albert Haller Tracy was the oldest son of 
Albert H. Tracy, mentioned above. He and 
Grover Cleveland were about the same age. 
After his father's death, by which event he came 
into a large fortune, Tracy retired from the pro- 



3° 



LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 



fession in which he might easily have won distinc- 
tion. He had a mind remarkable for judgment 
and moderation. His knowledge of men and 
affairs was extensive, his reading considerable, 
and his memory most retentive. 

I have mentioned the most prominent men in 
the city in which Grover Cleveland had made his 
home, where his character was to be formed, his 
career begun, and where he was to find an 
entrance, if he ever did, into the path which 
should lead him to fame and greatness. I have, 
however, spoken only of the dead. There are 
many living persons who should be mentioned, if 
it were intended to make a complete description 
of the associations in which Cleveland found him- 
self ; but I am not permitted to speak of the living 
with the freedom which would be necessary. 

It will thus be seen that before he was twenty 
years old, Cleveland had begun the study of his 
profession under most favorable circumstances. 
He was in the family of an uncle who lived com- 
fortably and well. He was thrown into associa- 
tion with men of talent and distinction. He was 
in the employ of a firm of able and successful 
lawyers, who were entrusted with very important 
affairs. 

Thenceforth there was no element of hardship 
in Cleveland's life. He probably never knew 
what want was. He had all that it was possible 
to have. He had opportunity as full and com- 



PARENTAGE, EARL V LIFE, AND EDIT ATI OX. 31 

plete as if he had been born to wealth. Indeed, 
he had, in the necessity for exertion, a stimulant 
and a training- which wealth could not have given 
him. The transplanted tree had found a con- 
genial soil. 

Grover Cleveland remained with Rogers & 
Bowen, as student and clerk, until 1863. At the 
outbreak of the war, the question had come to 
him as to the duty he owed his country. While 
teaching in New York, and while studying in 
Buffalo, he had always sent whatever money he 
could spare to his mother. He was then earning 
enough to make his contributions of importance 
to the family. It was therefore decided that the 
two younger brothers should go to the army, and 
that the bread winner should stay and work for 
the support of his mother and sisters. 

In 1872, these younger brothers, who had rep- 
resented the family in the army during the Civil 
War, were drowned at sea, in the burning of the 
Steamship Missouri near the Island of Abaco, 
October 2 2d. In that disaster they exhibited un- 
usual coolness and courage ; they stood by the 
boats when they were lowered and helped the 
passengers into them, doing the work the fright- 
ened officers should have done. But when the 
boats were lowered there was no room for them 
and they went down with the ship. 



CHAPTER II. 

HIS CAREER AT THE BUFFALO BAR. 

G ROVER CLEVELAND had been admits 
ted to the bar in 1859, and in January, 1863, 
he was appointed Assistant District Attor- 
ney for the County of Erie. This position brought 
young Cleveland into court, and accustomed him to 
the trial of causes. At that time the District Attorney 
had but one assistant, and upon him fell a large 
share of the work of the office. His industry 
and evenness of temper fitted him, peculiarly, 
for his duties, and he soon held a more important 
relation to the public business than it had been 
usual for an Assistant District Attorney to have. 
This was, perhaps, due, in part, to the fact that 
Mr. Torrance, the District Attorney, did not live 
in the city, but in a village twenty-five miles dis- 
tant. He therefore naturally left much to the 
capable and industrious assistant, who was con- 
stantly at hand. The three years in the District 
Attorney's office were of great value to Cleve- 
land. They gave him confidence in himself, 
accustomed him to the trial of causes and to 
addressing juries ; enabled him to make a wide 
acquaintance among the people in the country 
32 



HIS CAREER AT THE BUFFALO BAR. 33 

towns, as well as in the city, and attracted to him 
the attention of clients and the bar. 

The Assistant District .Attorneyship also 
brought him into politics. From the time of his 
acceptance of that office, he was known as a 
Democratic politician. Mr. Dean Richmond, a 
man of singular ability and force of character, 
was then the principal 1 )emocrat in Western New 
York, and governed local affairs with a firm hand. 
At the expiration of Mr. Torrance's term, Cleve- 
land received the Democratic nomination for 
District Attorney. His nomination to so import- 
ant an office, when he was only twenty-nine years 
old, is the strongest evidence that can be given 
of the standing he had obtained in the community 
and in his profession. I lis opponent was Lyman 
K. Bass, a young Republican lawyer, afterwards 
a member of Congress, and who has been pre- 
vented by ill-health from completely fulfilling the 
promise of his youth. After a heated canvass, 
Cleveland was beaten, a result not to be wondered 
at, for the county then usually went Republican. 
An old political friend well remembers meeting 
Cleveland the day after the election, and recalls 
the perfect coolness and good humor with which 
he took his defeat. 

He at once resumed the practice of his profession, 
and soon formed a partnership with the late 
Isaac V. Vanderpool. In 1 867, the late William Dor- 
sheimer having been appointed, by President John- 



3| LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

son, United States Attorney for the Northern 
District of New York, offered Cleveland an 
appointment as Assistant District Attorney. This 
offer he declined, for the reason that the duties of 
the office would require frequent absence from 
the city, and he preferred to attend to his rapidly- 
growing clientage. He soon after became asso- 
ciated with the late A. P. Lanning and Oscar 
Folsom, a young companion of Cleveland, who 
had taken the Assistant Attorneyship which the 
former had declined. The name of the new firm 
was Lanning, Cleveland & Folsom. The daugh- 
ter of the last named orentleman is now the Pres- 
ident's wife. 

In the autumn of 1870, Cleveland's polit- 
ical friends offered him the nomination for 
sheriff of the county. " Now," said he, to 
a friend whose advice he asked, " I know 
that it is not usual for lawyers to be sheriffs. 
I do not remember of any lawyer being a sheriff. 
But, there are some reasons why I should consider 
the matter carefully. I have been compelled to 
earn my living since I was seventeen. I have 
never had time for reading, nor for thorough pro- 
fessional study. The sheriff's office would take 
me out of practice, but it would keep me about 
the courts, and in professional relations. It would 
give me considerable leisure, which I could devote 
to self-improvement. Besides, it would enable 
me to save a modest competency, and give me 



HIS CAREER AT THE BUFFALO BAR. -' 

the pecuniary independence which otherwise I 
may never have. I have come for your advice. 
What would you do in my place?' 

His friend strongly recommended him to accept 
the nomination. I [e received the same advice from 
Other friends. He took the nomination and was 
elected. Naturally, some of the duties of the 
sheriff's office were grievously distasteful to him, 
but he performed them with that strong sense of 
duty which lias always characterized him. 

He used the opportunities of the position as he 
had said he would. He made a considerable 
saving, and he gave his leisure time to profes- 
sional and other studies. As soon as he returned 
to the bar the effect was noticeable. He was a 
stronger and a broader man than he had been 
before, and he at once took a higher place than 
he had ever held. 

At the close of his term as sheriff, lie formed a 
partnership with his old antagonist, Lyman K. 
Bass, and Wilson S. Bissell. Failing health com- 
pelled Mr. Bass to remove to Colorado, and after- 
wards Mr. George J. Sicard entered the firm, 
which was known as Cleveland, Bissell & Sicard. 
From this time, 1S74, until his election as Mayor, 
Cleveland practiced his profession with constantly 
increasing success. He came to have great skill 
in trying causes, and his arguments to the court in 
banc were noticeable for lucidity and thorough- 
ness. Many important matters were entrusted to 



36 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVEIAND. 

him, and before he again took office he was 
beginning to receive large fees. There can be 
no doubt that, had he remained at the bar, he 
would have won as great a success as the theatre 
in which he acted would permit. 

But during these years of professional labor, 
Cleveland was not indifferent to politics. Indeed, 
he was all the time a counsellor of his party. 
After the death of Dean Richmond, in 1866, 
Joseph Warren, the editor of the Courier, became 
the head of the Democratic organization in Buf- 
falo. He was a native of Vermont, who had, 
when a very young man, gone to Albany, and 
from there to Buffalo. He found employment in 
the editorial office of the Courier, while the late 
William A. Seaver was its proprietor and editor. 
Upon the retirement of Mr. Seaver, he succeeded 
to the control of the paper, and was one of its prin- 
cipal owners. Mr. Warren directed party affairs 
with great judgment and self-control. He never 
aspired to office himself, was very appreciative of 
the talents of others, and always ready to aid in 
advancing the fortunes of his friends. He was, 
besides, a promoter of all the generous enter- 
prises which promised to add to the prosperity of 
the city. All the public institutions were aided by 
his wise counsel and unselfish labors. Mr. War- 
ren was a warm friend of Cleveland's, and was 
one of the first to recognize his talents and predict 
his success. He died in 1876, and thenceforward 



HIS CAREER AT THE BUFFALO BAR. 3 J 

Cleveland was drawn into more responsible politi- 
cal relations. He was not willing to take the local 
leadership, which he might easily have had, for he 
could not give to it the necessary time and atten- 
tion. But he served on party committees, and 
there was little done in party matters in Buffalo 
as to which his advice was not taken. When he 
went to Albany, many thought him ignorant of 
political methods. But they were greatly mis- 
taken. Few men know practical politics better 
than he. 

During all these years he had been a Democrat 
of Democrats. Through good report and evil 
report, he had stood with his party. Neither 
success nor defeat had, for an instant, diminished 
his allegiance or his zeal. 

During the early period of Cleveland's Buffalo 
life the city had begun a new career. Its wealth 
had greatly increased, and a number of young 
men with more education than their elders had 
become active in affairs. A desire for a higher 
civilization be^an to show itself. The Youncr 
Men's Association, which maintained a small 
library and a course of public lectures in the 
winter, had long been the principal, and it may be 
said the only literary society. But it had lan- 
guished upon a meagre income. During this time 
a movement was set afoot to secure an endow- 
ment for it. Through the exertion of several 
gentlemen, among whom the late S. V. R. Wat- 



33 



LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 



son was most prominent, a fund of between 
eighty and ninety thousand dollars was raised by 
subscription and the sale of life-memberships. A 
valuable property was purchased and the associa- 
tion provided with an abundant income. During 
this period the Buffalo Historical Society, of which 
Mr. Fillmore was the first president, was formed, 
and also the Buffalo Academy of Fine Arts. Both 
of these institutions excited the interest of the 
more liberal citizens. It doubtless seemed to 
many, an ambitious undertaking to establish an 
Academy of Fine Arts in a place so given over to 
business as Buffalo. Once, in those early days, 
Ralph Waldo Emerson went through the gallery, 
which was then largely made up of pictures on 
sale contributed by the artists of New York and 
Boston, but which also contained a number of 
works, the property of the academy, that were 
worthy of attention. Said the philosopher: "This 
has besom W ell and will come to something in the 
course of the ages." Indeed those who began the 
work knew as well as any one, how little could be 
done during their life-time, but they thought a 
beginning should be made. To this period, also, 
belongs the Society of Natural History, which 
owes its success chiefly to the scientific zeal of 
George W. Clinton. 

Any traveler who, to-day, shall visit the institu- 
tions I have mentioned, and thoroughly examine 
their collections, will be surprised to find how 



HIS CAREER AT THE BVFPALO BAR. 



39 



much has been accomplished in twenty-five years, 
lie will see that Buffalo has become the centre of 
literary, artistic and scientific activities, and that 
forces have been set at work which are sure to 
strengthen with time, and to greatly influence 
the character of the place and the lives of its 
people. 

Grover Cleveland was hardly old enough to 
take part in the beginning of these things. But 
lie has done his share of work in building them 
up to their present prosperous state. 



CHAPTER III. 



THE MAYORALTY AND MUNICIPAL REFORM. 



E 



IGHT years ago Grover Cleveland was, 
i as has been seen, living quietly in Buffalo 
and practicing law. Neither he nor any 
one foresaw the career which was before him, and 
upon which he was soon to enter. This may be 
said without disparagement, for if any intelligent 
resident of Buffalo had been asked to name a 
citizen who was by nature fit to be Governor and 
President, he would have been more likely to 
mention Cleveland than any other man in the 
place. 

The National defeat of 1880 had not seriously 
impaired Democratic strength in Buffalo, and 
when the municipal election of 1881 drew near 
there was a strong feeling that a proper person 
could be elected to the Mayoralty by the Demo- 
crats. City affairs were in an unsatisfactory state, 
and there was a general feeling in favor of munici- 
pal reform. The party leaders urged Cleveland 
to take the nomination. At first he refused, but 
it was pressed upon him with such urgency, and 
with so strong an appeal to his sense of duty, that 
he at last consented. His candidacy led to a 
spirited canvass, and to his election by a majority 
40 



MA YORALTY AND MUNICIPAL REFORM. 4 1 

of 3500, the largest ever known in the history of 
the city. 

He took office as Mayor on the istday of Jan- 
uary, 1882. He at once called to his side, as his 
secretary, Mr. Harmon S. Cutting, a devoted friend, 
and a lawyer of excellent standing and great expe- 
rience, who was unrivalled for his knowledge of 
municipal law. Mr. Cleveland entered upon his 
office with a strong feeling that the affairs of 
the municipality should, so far as possible, be 
kept apart from party politics. He could not 
see why the paving, lighting, and cleaning of 
streets, should depend upon the exigencies of 
parties which had been formed upon lines of state 
or national policy. His first resolve was to do 
what he thought the interests of the city required, 
without reference to the effect his action would 
have upon either the Democratic or the Republi- 
can party. In his speech accepting the nomination 
for Mayor, he said : " There is, or there should 
be, no reason why the affairs of our city should 
not be managed with the same care and the same 
economy as private interests ; and when we con- 
sider that public officials are the trustees of the 
people and hold their places and exercise their 
powers for the benefit of the people, there should 
be no higher inducement to a faithful and honest 
discharge of public duty." In his inaugural mes- 
sage, he used the following language : 

" We hold the money of the people in our 



42 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

hands, to be used for their purposes and to fur 
ther their interests as members of the munici 
pality, and it is quite apparent that, when any part 
of the funds which the taxpayers have thus 
intrusted to us are diverted to other purposes, or 
when, by design or neglect, we allow a greater 
sum to be applied to any municipal purpose than 
is necessary, we have, to that extent, violated our 
duty. There surely is no difference in his duties 
and obligations, whether a person is intrusted 
with the money of one man or many." 

These two declarations laid down the rule by 
which he meant to be guided. A trust had been 
placed in his hands, and as a trust he intended to 
administer his office. The public moneys were to 
be dealt with as private moneys are dealt with, by 
a competent and honest trustee. This rule he at 
once rigidly applied to municipal affairs. He applied 
it, in a striking manner, to a resolution which was 
passed by the city council appropriating five hun- 
dred dollars to defray the expenses attending a 
proper observance of Decoration Day. It was 
proposed, that this sum of money should be paid 
out of what was known as the Fourth of July fund, 
and therefore the resolution was obnoxious to a 
provision in the charter of the city, which made 
it a misdemeanor to appropriate money raised for 
one purpose to any other object. Upon this 
ground he refused to approve the resolution. 
But he also placed his refusal upon broader 



MA YORAL TV A \ D Ml'A'A ITAL REFORM. 



43 



grounds. In his veto message, among other 
things, he said : 

"I deem the object of this appropriation a most 
worthy one. The eriorts ot our veteran soldiers 
to keep alive the memory ot their fallen comrades 
certainly deserves the aid and encouragement of 
their fellow-citizens. We should all. I think, feel 
it a duty and a privilege to contribute to the funds 
necessary to carry out such a purpose. And I 
should bo much disappointed if an appeal to our 
citizens for voluntary subscriptions for this patri- 
otic object should bo in vain. 

" But the money so contributed should be a free 
gift of the citizens and taxpayers, and should not 
be extorted from them by taxation. This is so, 
because the purpose for which this money is asked 
does not involve their protection or interest as 
members of the community, and it may or may 
not be approved by them. 

" The people are forced to pay taxes into the 
city treasury only upon the theory that such 
money shall be expended for public purposes, or 
purposes in which they all have a direct and practi- 
cal interest. 

" The logic of this position leads directly to the 
conclusion that, if the people are forced to pay 
their money into the public fund and it is spent by 
their servants and agents for purposes in which the 
people as taxpayers have no interest, the exaction 
of such taxes from them is oppressive and unjust. 



44 



LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 



"I cannot rid myself of the idea that this cit) 
government, in its relation to the taxpayers, is a 
business establishment, and that it is put in our 
hands to be conducted on business principles. 

" This theory does not admit of our donating 
the public funds in the manner contemplated by 
the action of your honorable body. 

"I deem it my duty, therefore, to return both 
of the resolutions herein referred to without my 
approval." 

This act attracted the attention of the whole 
community. The leading newspapers, without dis- 
tinction of party, gave it their approval. But in 
order that the object for which the money had 
been voted should be accomplished, a subscription 
was at once set afoot, which the Mayor headed by 
a liberal contribution. He soon had an opportu- 
nity to apply his principles to a more important 
matter. The City Council had awarded the con- 
tract for cleaning the streets for five years for the 
sum of four hundred and twenty-two thousand, 
five hundred dollars. Another party had offered 
to do the work for one hundred thousand dollars 
less, and the person to whom the contract had 
been given had himself, a few weeks before, pro- 
posed to perform the same service for fifty thou- 
sand less. This scandalous transaction was dealt 
with by the Mayor with a commendable directness 
and frankness ; he returned the resolution with a 
message, which contained the following language : 



MAYORALTY AND MUNICIPAL REFORM. 



45 



"This is a time for plain speech, and my objec- 
tion to the action of your honorable body now 
under consideration shall be plainly stated. I 
withhold my assent from the same, because I regard 
it as the culmination of a most barefaced, impudent 
and shameless scheme to betray the interests of 
the people, and to worse than squander the public 
money. 

"I will not be misunderstood In this matter. 
There are those whose votes were riven for this 
resolution whom I cannot and will not suspect of 
a willful neglect of the interests they are sworn to 
protect; but it has been fully demonstrated that 
there are influences, both in and about your hon- 
orable body, which it behooves every honest man 
to watch and avoid with the greatest care. 

"When cool judgment rules the hour, the people 
will, I hope and believe, have no reason to com- 
plain of the action of your honorable body. But 
clumsy appeals to prejudice or passion, insinua- 
tions, with a kind of low, cheap cunning, as to the 
motives and purposes of others, and the mock 
heroism of brazen effrontery which openly declares 
that a wholesome public sentiment is to be set at 
naught, sometimes deceives and leads honest men 
to aid in the consummation of schemes, which, if 
exposed, they would look upon with abhorrence. 

"If the scandal in connection with this street 
cleaning contract, which has so aroused our citi- 
zens, shall cause them to select and watch with 



46 LIFE OF C ROVER CLEVELAND. 

more care those to whom they intrust their inter- 
ests, and if it serves to make all of us who are 
charged with official duties more careful in their 

o 

performance, it will not be an unmitigated evil. 

" We are fast gaining positions in the grades of 
public stewardship. There is no middle ground. 
Those who are not tor the people, either in or out 
of your honorable body, are against them, and 
should be treated accordingly." 

This bold and honorable act attracted wide at- 
tention, and laid the foundation of a reputation 
which soon extended throughout the State. 

Mr. Cleveland continued to apply to the affairs 
of Buffalo the same inflexible rule of administering 
his office as though it were a trust. There can 
be no doubt that the result was a success greater 
than has ever been accomplished upon so narrow 
a political field as a single municipality. At home, 
the favor which he obtained was quite universal. 
All party differences disappeared before a public 
officer who performed his duties with so complete 
a reference to the general welfare. 

During the short term of his mayoralty there 
were several occasions which compelled him to 
speak upon important topics. But whatever sub- 
ject he dealt with was presented in the light of 
the principle he had from the first declared should 
guide his conduct. In speaking at the semi-cen- 
tennial celebration of the foundation of the city, 
July 3d, 1S82, he said : 



MAYORALTY AND MUNICIPAL REFORM. 47 

" We boast of our citizenship to-night. But 
this citizenship .brings with it duties not unlike Jhcse 

we owe our neighbor and our God. There is no 
better time than this for self-examination. He 
who deems himself too pure and holy to take part 
in the affairs of his city, will meet the fact that 
better men than he have thought it their duty to 
do so. He who cannot spare a moment in his 
greed and selfishness to devote to public con- 
cerns, will, perhaps, find a well- grounded fear 
that he may become the prey of public plun- 
derers ; and he who indolently cares not who 
administers the government of his city, will find 
that he is living falsely, and in the neglect of his 
highest duty." 

When laying the corner-stone of the Young 
Men's Christian Association building, on the 7th of 
September, 1882, he used the following language : 
" We all hope and expect that our city has 
entered upon a course of unprecedented pros- 
perity and growth. But to my mind not all 
the signs about us point more surely to real great 
ness than the event which we here celebrate. 
Good and pure government lies at the foundation 
of the wealth and progress of every community. As 
the chief executive of this proud city, I congratu- 
late all my fellow-citizens that to-day we lay the 
foundation stone of an edifice which shall be a 
beautiful ornament, and, what is more important, 
shall enclose within its walls such earnest Christian 



48 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

endeavors as must make easier all our efforts to 
administer safely and honestly a good municipal 
government." 

These utterances disclose the high moral pur- 
pose in which his whole nature seemed to be 
absorbed, and which he was, in a measure, com- 
pelled to profess upon every occasion when he 
w r as required to address the people. Perhaps 
there was no occasion on which he made so clear 
a revelation of himself and his character as by the 
address which he delivered on the 9th of April, 
1882, when taking the chair at a mass meeting to 
protest against the treatment of American citizens 
imprisoned abroad. This short speech is worthy 
of the careful attention of all those who wish' to 
understand his mind and character: 

" Fellow Citizens. — This is the formal mode 
of address on occasions of this kind, but I think 
we seldom realize fully its meaning or how valu- 
able a thing it is to be a citizen. 

" From the earliest civilization to be a citizen 
has been to be a free man, endowed with certain 
privileges and advantages, and entitled to the full 
protection of the State. The defense and protec- 
tion of the personal rights of its citizens has always 
been the paramount and most important duty of 
a free, enlightened government. 

" And perhaps no government has this sacred 
trust more in its keeping than this — the best and 
freest of them all ; for here the people who are to 



MAYORALTY A XD MUNICIPAL REFORM. 49 

be protected arc the source of those powers which 
they delegate upon the express compact that the 
citizen shall be protected. For this purpose we 
chose those who, for the time being, shall manage 
the machinery which we have set up for our 
defense and safety. 

" And this protection adheres to us in all lands 
and places as an incident of citizenship. Let but 
the weight of a sacrilegious hand be put upon this 
sacred thing, and a great strong government 
springs to its feet to avenge the wrong. Thus it 
is that the native born American citizen enjoys his 
birthright. But when, in the westward march of 
empire, this nation was founded and took root, 
we beckoned to the Old World, and invited hither 
its immigration, and provided a mode by which 
those who sought a home among us might become 
our fellow citizens. They came by thousands and 
hundreds of thousands ; they came and 

Hewed the dark old woods away, 
And gave the virgin fields to day ; 

they came with strong sinews and brawny arms 
to aid in the growth and progress of a new coun- 
try ; they came, and upon our altars laid their 
fealty and submission ; they came to our temples 
of justice, and under the solemnity of an oath 
renounced all allegiance to every other State, 
potentate and sovereignty, and surrendered to us 
all the duty pertaining to such allegiance. We 



50 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

have accepted their fealty, and invited them to 
surrender the protection of their native land. 

''And what should be given them in return? 
Manifestly, good faith and every dictate of honor 
demand that we give them the same liberty and 
protection here and elsewhere which we vouchsafe 
to our native-born citizens. And that this has 
been accorded to them is the crowning glory of 
American institutions. 

" It needed not the statute, which is now the 
law of the land, declaring that all 'naturalized 
citizens while in foreign lands are entitled to and 
shall receive from this government the same pro- 
tection of person and property which is accorded 
to native-born citizens,' to voice the policy of our 
nation. 

"In all lands where the semblance of liberty is 
preserved, the right of a person arrested to a 
speedy accusation and trial is, or ought to be, a 
fundamental law, as it is a rule of civilization. 

'•At any rate, we hold it to be so, and this is 
one of the rights which we undertake to guarantee 
to any native-born or naturalized citizen of ours, 
whether he be imprisoned by order of the Czar 
of Russia or under the pretext of a law admin- 
istered for the benefit of the landed aristocracy 
of England. 

"We do not claim to make laws for other 
countries, but we do insist that whatever those 
laws may be they shall, in the interests of human 



MA YORAL TV AND MUNICIPAL REFORM. 5 I 

freedom and die rights of mankind, so far as they 
involve the liberty of our citizens, be speedily 
administered. We have a right to say, and do 
say, that mere suspicion without examination or 
trial, is not sufficient to justify the long imprison- 
ment of a citizen of America. Other nations 
may permit their citizens to be thus imprisoned. 
Ours will not. And this in effect has been 
solemnly declared by statute. 

"We have met here to-night to consider this 
subject and to inquire into the cause and the 
reasons and the justice of the imprisonment of 
certain of our fellow-citizens now held in British 
prisons without the semblance of a trial or legal 
examination. Our law declares that the govern- 
ment shall act in such cases. But the people are 
the creators of the government. 

"The undaunted apostle of the Christian reKg 
ion imprisoned and persecuted, appealing centuries 
ago to the Roman law and the rights of Roman 
citizenship, boldly demanded : "Is it lawful for 
you to scourge a man that is a Roman and 
uncondemned ? " 

"So, too, might we ask, appealing to the law 
of our land and the laws of civilization: Ts it 
lawful that these our fellows be- imprisoned who 
are American citizens and uncondemned ? ' 

"I deem it an honor to be called upon to pre- 
side at such a meeting, and I thank you for it 
What is your further pleasure? " 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE DEMOCRATIC CANVASS FOR GOVERNOR OF NEW 

YORK IN l882. 

THE year 1882 was one of political reac- 
tion and surprising revolution. The 
death of Garfield, the succession of Ar- 
thur, the changes in Cabinet and policy, the with- 
drawal of Senators Conkling and Piatt and their 
failure of re-election, and the defeat of the regu- 
lar Republican caucus nominee for United States 
Senator in Pennsylvania, convulsed the politics 
of the two principal States of the Union. In the 
Empire and Keystone States the movements of 
leaders controlled the fortunes of the two ore at 
parties in whose councils these Commonwealths 
were supreme. Men were everywhere looking 
to the Gubernatorial contests of the year to 
shape the next Presidential campaign and to 
influence the control of the Federal Administra- 
tion, perhaps, for many years to come. 

In New York city and Brooklyn, where the 
contention of the Tammany Society and County 
Democracy had distracted their party for years 
past and led to its defeat in the Gubernatorial 
campaign of 1879, rival candidates were pre- 
52 




STATE STREET AND CAPITOL, ALBANY, NEW YORK. 



CANVASS FOR GOVERNOR. 55 

^nted in such well-known personages as Roswell 
'. Flower and General Henry W. Slocum. The 
>rmer was recognized as having the favor of 
ammany Hall ; he had wealth, extended busi- 
ess reputation, and the experience of a term in 
ionoress. General Slocum was one of the 
-orthiest and most popular soldiers in the War 
>r the Union, and had proved his eminent fitness 
>r civil duties in Congress. They were pressed 
ith a zeal that bid fair to lead to intense bitter- 
ess and possibly to disastrous dissension. Two 
lfiuences operated to avert the threatened col- 
sion. 
While the local pride of Buffalo was enlisted 
) promote to the Chief Magistracy of the State 
ie Mayor who had served his city so well, and 
hile his most ardent supporters there were 
)und among the Republicans who had contribu- 
16. to his municipal victory, the eyes of the cool- 
eaded party managers at Albany had been turned 
) the " availability " of a candidate who had al- 
sady exhibited marked elements of political 
trength, and who was remote from the local dis- 
-action of the various halls and factions of the 
reat cities of Eastern New York. Mr. Manning 
nd others of the discreet and sagacious politi- 
ians who controlled the party organization fully 
atisfied themselves that in the Mayor of Buffalo 
/ere to be found qualities of successful leadership 
3r the campaign then before the party. The del- 



56 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

egates from Western New York were solidly for 
him. The Tammany people gladly espoused hk 
cause rather than risk defeat. On the third bal- 
lot in the State Convention their delegates went 
to Cleveland and his nomination was secured. 

As soon as the canvass opened it was seen that 
the choice had been a wise one. The movement 
for Cleveland rose in the West to a great height 
and ran swiftly through the State. Everywhere 
factional differences were swept away. In New 
York the adherents of Tammany and of the 
County and Irving Hall organizations united in 
support of the State ticket, and upon all other 
important nominations. 

Meantime, in other States, events were pro- 
gressing well calculated to inspire the Democrats 
In Connecticut, Thomas M. Waller led the battle 
which ended in victory. In Massachusetts, a combi- 
nation of Democrats and Independents, under the 
banner of General B. F. Butler, was wresting the 
State from Republican control. In Pennsylvania, the 
Independent Republican candidacy of John Stew- 
art, and the nomination of General James A. Bea- 
ver by the regular organization, made easy the elec- 
tion of Robert E. Pattison. 

The Republican dissensions were increased in 
proportion to the growth of Democratic union 
and enthusiasm. Those Republicans who were 
disposed to vote against their party, were not 
deterred by fear of failure. The certainty of 



CANVASS FOR GOVERNOR. 57 

Cleveland's election increased the temptation to 
aid his cause. Thousands were eager to add to 
the weight of the blow which was to fall on the 
Administration and its friends. The Republican 
candidate was an eminent citizen. He had shown 
high abilities in many public employments. His 
character was without a stain. He had been 
Chief Justice of the State ; and a long career on 
the bench had won for him that general esteem 
and public favor which successful judicial service 
almost always wins. But the more worthy the 
candidate the more impressive the lesson of his 
defeat. The murder of Garfield was to be 
avenged ; party chains were to be broken ; the 
forgery of a telegram was to be punished, and 
Republican independence and manhood were to 
be asserted. The party difficulties were very 
materially increased also by the attitude of lead- 
ing men. 

Mr. Evarts, who had always been ready to give 
his elaborate eloquence to his party, was silent, and 
what was of far more importance, Roscoe Conk- 
ling also was silent. For more than a decade he 
had been the Republican advocate. His popular 
triumphs had been without precedent. In 1872, 
when Republican supremacy was threatened by a 
revolt, formidable on account of the number and 
the character of the rebels, he excited the Repub- 
licans who remained faithful to their party to un- 
exampled efforts ; efforts which created a Demo- 



58 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

cratic supineness far more effective at the polls 
than the liberal Republican rebellion. In 1876 he 
had held his party together amid great discour- 
agements, and upon a lost field. He had after* 
wards stood aloof from the intrigues by which Mr. 
Tilden had been deprived of the office to which 
he had been elected. In 1880, at a time when 
Republican defeat seemed to be certain — when 
Mr. Blaine had been beaten in Maine, and the 
October elections in Ohio and Indiana were in the 
greatest doubt — he reluctantly came forward to 
aid a candidate whom he distrusted and despised. 
He threw himself into the canvass with all his 
accustomed zeal. Those who have never heard 
Mr. Conkling addressing a great meeting can 
have but little idea of the vigor, brilliancy, and 
fiery energy of his picturesque eloquence. The 
effect of his speeches at the West, and in his 
own State, cannot be over-stated. Never, in our 
politics, has any one made such a display of per- 
sonal power. But in 1882 he was silent. It is 
not necessary to explain here the causes of his 
silence. Its effects were to be seen plainly 
enough by all who watched the events of that 
year. 

The Republican disaffection grew more power- 
ful every day. Party journals, like the Buffalo 
Express, openly advocated Cleveland's election. 
The Albany Journal, the New York Times, and 
the Tribune gave Judge Folger but a cold sup- 



CANVASS FOR GOVERNOR. 59 

port. The friends of Garfield wished his defeat. 
The friends of Conkling wished his defeat ; and 
to these discontents, added to Democratic enthu- 
siasm, the friends of President Arthur could make 
but little resistance. The Republican treasury 
was without funds, and had the canvass lasted two 
weeks longer, the Republican cause would proba- 
bly have been practically abandoned. The elec- 
tion resulted in a majority of one hundred and 
ninety-two thousand for Grover Cleveland ; in 
the election of twenty-one Democratic members 
of the House of Representatives, and of a large 
majority in the State Assembly. The wisdom of 
those who had advised Mr. Cleveland's nomina- 
tion was abundantly vindicated by this overwhelm- 
ing victory. 

In that hour of triumph there was one man 
whose mind was filled with anxiety. The Demo- 
cratic candidate had, during the canvass, borne 
himself modestly, and had passed his time in the 
duties of his office. He heard the news of his 
success with joy, indeed, but it was a joy tempered 
by a sense of the undefined responsibilities which 
lay before him. This feeling showed itself in the 
speech which he made the night of his election 
at the Manhattan Club, and even more strongly 
in the address which he made upon taking the 
oath of office. 

To many, the governorship thus attained sug- 
gested the presidency. If this high anticipation 



60 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

came to him, as it did to others, it made no change 
in his demeanor. Deliberately and calmly he 
began to prepare for his departure, and performed 
the preliminary work in the composition of his 
message and the selection of his staff, as unosten- 
tatiously as if they were in the ordinary course of 
his daily employment. 

" If chance will have one king, why, chance may crown me 
Without my stir." 



CHAPTER V. 

FIRST YEAR AS GOVERNOR. 

THE office of Governor of the State of New 
York has long been considered the fit 
reward for men of large experience in pub- 
lic life, great natural parts, and high personal char- 
acter. It has seldom been filled by a small man 
or by a mere seeker after place and power. From 
the earliest days of the history of the State it has 
been looked upon, not only in the State of New 
York itself, but throughout the Union, as an office 
scarcely lower in dignity and importance than the 
Presidency of the United States. 

During the early political history of New York 
as a State in the Union the Presidency was prac- 
tically monopolized by Virginia and Massachusetts. 
During this time, however, the Vice-Presidency, 
then deemed of much greater relative importance 
than now, and generally representing the second 
choice of the electors for President, was filled for 
five terms out of a possible six by natives and 
residents of New York between the time of the 
accession of Thomas Jefferson and the retirement 
of James Monroe. Two of the men so honored, 
George Clinton and Daniel D. Tompkins, had 

61 



62 



LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 



been Governors of their State. With the election 
of Martin Van Buren to the Presidency, in 1836, 
the Presidency ceased to be the heritage of any 
one or two States of the Union, and since that 
time the country has always looked with hope and 
expectancy to the Gubernatorial choice of the 
State of New York for men to honor with the 
Presidency of the United States. The names of 
Silas Wright, William L. Marcy, William H. Sew- 
ard, Horatio Seymour, and Samuel J. Tilden are 
familiar household words in our political history 
as aspirants for nomination or election to the high 
office of President. Of these, only the two latter 
ever received the recognition of nomination, and 
the latter was the only Governor of his State 
elected to the Presidency after the success of Mr. 
Van Buren in 1836. 

With all these examples at hand, it should have 
been no occasion for surprise that Grover Cleve- 
land was looked upon with unusual interest after 
his election to the Governorship by a majority 
unprecedented in the history of the politics of 
American States. That he was comparatively 
little known added to this interest. The element 
of surprise that a man of such slight experi- 
ence in the larger politics of the State should 
have been nominated and elected was rein- 
forced by a feeling of anticipation, an eager 
demand to know what he would do in the office, 
now that he had reached it under such exceptional 



FIRST YEAR AS GOVERXOR. £ ■> 

circumstances. Me had not come to the office 
as the result of political management, of lone;' ser~ 
vice in one or the other branch of the Legislature, 
nor of ereat and widely recognized distinction in his 
profession. He was simply known as an honest 
man, of good ability, who, in whatever station he 
had been called to fill, had done his duty without 
fear or favor. While this lack of familiarity with 
politics and political movements undoubtedly had 
its drawbacks and disadvantages, which raised in 
the mind of the new Governor many doubts and 
apprehensions, it had many compensations. It 
left him freedianded and independent. He was 
not tied up with obligations to persons, localities, 
or interests. Trained to consider questions on 
their merits by the exacting duties of long prac- 
tice of the law, he could look fairly and fully at 
every public question as it came up, and decide as 
his judgment and honesty of purpose would direct. 
The people of New York were not long in find- 
ing out that this was the very thing which Governor 
Cleveland was determined to do. His first mes- 
sage was something of a disappointment, only 
because events had moved so rapidly in bringing 
him into unnatural prominence as to raise extrav- 
agant expectations. But it was mainly disap- 
pointing because it lacked the self-assertive dog- 
matism which the people of New York had long 
been trained to expect from a Governor, especially 
from a new one. 



(3 i LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

But familiarity with the duties and obligations, 
as well as with the power and the rights con- 
ferred upon the Governorship, came rapidly. Then 
the hesitation disappeared, and the people of the 
country, as well as those of New York, found that 
Grover Cleveland not only knew how to govern, 
but that he was determined to be Governor. 

He early learned to use without mercy the 
weapon of the veto power, almost autocratically 
lodged with the Governor of New York bv the 
new Constitution. Between the 26th of January 
and the 1st of March he sent to the Legislature 
eight veto messages. These documents clearly 
disclose his purposes. In one, he refused to per- 
mit the county of Montgomery to borrow money. 
In another he refused his consent to an amend- 
ment of the charter of Elmira which was intended 
to change the liability of the city for injuries re- 
ceived in consequence of the streets being in an 
unsafe and dangerous condition. He refused his 
signature to a bill which would have relieved the 
library association of Fredonia from the payment 
of local taxes, and to one that authorized the 
county of Chautauqua to appropriate money for 
a soldiers' monument. He vetoed an act author- 
izing the village of Fayetteville, where he had lived 
during his boyhood, to borrow money for the pur- 
pose of purchasing a steam fire-engine, and also 
one authorizing the village of Mechanicsville to 
borrow money for the same purpose. 



FIRST YEAR AS GOVERNOR. 5- 

By these vetoes he showed that he was deter- 
mined to adhere to the rule which had ^ov- 
erned him while Mayor of Buffalo, and to deal 
with the public moneys on the principle that offi- 
cials are the trustees of the people. 

He did not, however, confine his use of the 
veto power to bills intended to prevent the ex- 
penditure of small sums of money by village or 
town or county authorities. He even dared to 
run the risk of unpopularity by the veto of a bill 
fixing- a uniform rate of five cents as fare on the 
elevated railroads of the city of New York. That 
city had suffered severely by the unjust exactions 
of the roads in question, and a strong popular 
sentiment had been developed which demanded 
that new restrictions should be imposed. But 
the form in which the Legislature sought to em- 

o o 

body this sentiment was so unsatisfactory and its 
effects would have been so far-reaching that the 
Governor saw danger and injustice ahead. It 
was insisted by opponents of the measure, who 
had no interest in the roads involved, that for a 
commercial community like New York to disregard 
the implied obligation which had arisen between 
the State and its citizens, and between the State 
and citizens of other States and countries, would 
be, in the judgment of many thoughtful men, a 
dangerous and pernicious act. This latter view 
was taken by the Governor in the following ex- 
tract from his veto message: 



66 LIFE OF CROVER CLEVELAND. 

" But we have especially in our keeping the 
honor and good faith of a great State, and we 
should see to it that no suspicion attaches, through 
any act of ours, to the fair fame of the Common- 
wealth. The State should not only be strictly 
just, but scrupulously fair, and in its relations to 
the citizen every lecral and moral obligation should 
be -recognized. This can only be done by legis- 
lating without vindictiveness or prejudice, and 
with a firm determination to deal justly and fairly 
with those from whom we exact obedience." 

He rejected the advice given in many quarters 
to permit the bill to become a law without his 
signature, and put himself upon high ground by 
saying in his message, " I am convinced, that in 
all cases the share which falls upon the Executive 
re^arclinor the legislation of the State, should be 
in no manner evaded, but fairly met by the ex- 
pression of his carefully guarded and unbiased 
judgment." 

This courage challenged admiration even from 
those who did not agree with his position and who 
differed from him in political opinion. The result 
was to give him popularity with people of his 
State, because they were convinced that whatever 
he did, whatever position he took, their safety and 
their interests would be consulted. 

The same independent position was assumed 
in dealing with bills reorganizing the Fire Depart- 
ment in Buffalo, a measure which would have con- 




GOVERNOR'S MANSION. ALBANY, N. Y. 



FIRST YEAR AS GOVERNOR. g Q 

ferred a supposed advantage upon his own party. 
Other bills affecting the city of New York and 
having back of them considerable support in 
public sentiment, were subjected to the same re- 
lentless examination and rejected when it ap- 
peared to the Governor that they did not accord 
with the interests of the people of his State. 

During his first year as Governor it fell to his 
lot to make a large number of appointments to fill 
vacancies in public offices. He undertook co 
apply to this duty the same principles which 
governed his conduct in dealing with questions 
more strictly financial or business in their scope. 
He gave heed to the demands of his party, re- 
cognizing in general that it is neither possible nor 
desirable to separate important or responsible 
places from accountability to the sentiment domi- 
nant among the people of a given locality. But 
this devotion to his own party was always accom- 
panied by the most exacting demands of fitness, 
capacity and character in the applicant. Wher- 
ever it was possible to do so he recognized the 
system of merit by which men having special 
fitness or experience in given lines were promoted. 
He made the assistant in the Insurance Depart- 
ment its chief; he appointed a builder of charac- 
ter as Commissioner of the Capitol, and made a 
business man, whose qualifications he knew, 
Superintendent of the same building. The 
Superintendence' of Public Works, a place which 



JO LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

had often been filled by mere partisans with little 
regard to fitness, was criven to a man whose lono; 
experience in the management of the canals had 
made him practical and thorough. The Railroad 
Commission, the appointment of the original 
members of which was imposed upon Mr. Cleve- 
land during his first year's service as Governor, 
was selected with such judgment that the choice 
gave general party and public satisfaction. It 
justified his confidence and that of the people of 
the State by doing its work so faithfully and well 
that there has probably been less irritation or ill- 
feeling between the people and the railroads in 
New York than in any other State in the Union. 
For several years the labor question had been 
gradually coming to the front in New York as 
one of the most important to be dealt with by 
political parties, Legislatures, and executive 
officers. The peculiar character of the working 
people of New York city had had much to do 
with giving the question importance. In addition 
to maintaining its supremacy as the first commer- 
cial city of the Western world, it had recently 
become the largest centre for manufacturing in- 
dustries. This had the effect of introducing a 
population which for variety in origin, ideas, and 
interests could be found nowhere else. Many 
impracticable measures were proposed from time 
to time by the accepted representatives of the 
labor interests, together with others which were 



J-YXS T YEA R AS GOl 'ERXOK . J I 

principally distinguished for crudeness and ineffi- 
ciency. Some such measures had been permitted 
to become laws, perhaps, in some cases, from 
an honest desire on the part of Legislators and 
Governors, but in most instances to appease what 
was supposed to be the demands of a large and 
commanding vote. 

The platform of the Convention by which Mr. 
Cleveland had been nominated <^ave distinct 
pledges committing the Democratic party in New 
York to the enactment of certain leeislation in 
the interest of labor. These were accepted by 
Mr. Cleveland in his letter of acceptance in the 
following lanoaiao-e : 

" The platform of principles adopted by the 
Convention meets with my hearty approval. The 
doctrines therein enunciated are so distinctly and 
explicitly stated that their amplification seems 
scarcely necessitated. If elected to the office for 
which I have been nominated, I shall endeavor to 
impress them upon my administration and make 
them the policy of the State." 

Further on, in the same letter, he says : 

"The laboring classes constitute the main part 
of our population. They should be protected in 
their efforts to assert their rights when endaneered 
by aggregated capital, and all statutes on this sub- 
ject should recognize the care of the State for 
honest toil, and be framed with a view of improv- 
inor the condition of the working-man." 



y 2 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

The Legislature did its part toward redeeming 
these promises, and bills for the establishment of 
a Bureau of Labor Statistics, for prohibiting the 
manufacture of cigars in tenement houses, and 
forbidding the manufacture of woolen hats in 
penitentiaries were passed by the Legislature and 
signed by the Governor. 

But even in dealing with labor questions he did 
not yield his judgment to popular clamor when 
convinced that a proposed law affecting interests 
of large bodies of men were either impracticable 
or dangerous in principle. For this reason, he 
refused to siori a bill which reached him late in the 
legislative session, known as the " Car Conductors' 
and Drivers' Bill ;" it proposed to prohibit the 
exaction of more than twelve hours for a day's 
work on street railways. This action was not 
taken because of any disapproval of the objects 
sought to be accomplished by the proposed law, 
but upon purely legal and constitutional grounds. 
The bill was defective and unskillfully drawn in 
that the right of contract between street car com- 
panies and their employes was not interfered 
with. It was clear that the law could never be 
-n forced, as experience had already shown in 
other States. 

The session of the first Legislature under Mr. 
Cleveland's administration as Governor of the 
State of New York closed with credit to himself 
He had worked hard and faithfully to redeem the 



FIRST YEAR AS GOVERNOR. 



7, 



promises made by himself and his party, and had 
achieved a larger decree of success than oener- 
ally comes to men under such circumstances. 
He had maintained and increased the respect felt 
for his honesty and faithfulness throughout the 
State, and had become widely known in every 
section of the Union. His relations with his own 
party were, in general, good, in spite of the fact 
that they had been severely strained with certain 
sections of it. Already his name had been very 
generally discussed as that of a man who was most 
likely to enable his party to regain in the Union 
that power which it had lost twenty-three years 
before. But he made no avowals, and was not, 
apparently, to be turned either to the right or to 
the left by this consideration. He simply did his 
duty as it came to him, leaving the future to take 
care of itself. 



CHAPTER VI. 

SECOND YEAR AS GOVERNOR. 

IN his second annual message Grover Cleve- 
land showed that he felt easy in the place 
as well as liked it — something which he con- 
fessed to his friends. He showed more and more 
confidence in himself and in his ability to satisfy 
both the people of his State and himself in carry- 
ing out its duties. There was no longer uncer- 
tainty or hesitation. He showed that he knew 
what measures the best interests of the State 
demanded, and he recommended them with that 
dog-mat ism so much admired by the people of 
New York, and which ever wins for public men 
increasing popularity among intelligent people. 

Among the most important of the questions 
with which he came to deal was the relations of 
corporations to the State. It had long been ap- 
parent that many evils were growing up about 
these associations of men and money, and earnest 
men of intelligence and conscience had soupht 
some way of meeting what seemed to them a 
serious danger. There was p;eneral ap/reement 
to the proposition that if the widest publicity 
could be given to the accounts of corporations 
74 



SECOND YEAR AS GOVERNOR: 



75 



created by the State the beginning of the end ot 
the evil would be reached. The Governor con- 
sidered this phase of the question at some lengtn 
in his second annual message, from which the fol- 
lowing views are extracted : 

" It would, in my opinion, be a most valuable 
protection to the people if other large corpo- 
rations were obliged to report to some depart- 
ment their transactions and financial condition. 

" The State creates these corporations upon the 
theory that some proper thing of benefit can be 
better done by them than by private enterprise, 
and that the aggregation of the funds of many 
individuals may be thus profitably employed. 
They are launched upon the public with the seal 
of the State, in some sense, upon them. They 
are permitted to represent the advantages they 
possess and the wealth sure to follow from ad- 
mission to membership. In one hand is held a 
charter from the State, and in the other is proffered 
their stock. 

" It is a fact, singular though well established, 
that people will pay their money for stock in a 
corporation engaged in enterprises in which they 
would refuse to invest if in private hands. 

" It is a grave question whether the formation 
of these artificial bodies ought not to be checked 
or better regulated, and in some way supervised. 

"At any rate, they should always be kept well 
in hand, and the funds of its citizens should be 



7 6 



LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 



protected by the State which has invited their 
investment. While the stockholders are the own- 
ers of the corporate property, notoriously they are 
oftentimes completely in the power of the direct- 
ors and managers, who acquire a majority of the 
stock and by this means perpetuate their control, 
using the corporate property and franchises for 
their benefit and profit, regardless of the inter- 
ests and rights of the minority of stockholders. 
Immense salaries are paid to officers ; transactions 
are consummated by which the directors make 
money, while the rank and file among the stock- 
holders lose it ; the honest investor waits for 
dividends and the directors grow rich. It is 
suspected, too, that large sums are spent under 
various disguises in efforts to influence legislation. 

" The State should either refuse to allow these 
corporations to exist under its authority and 
patronage, or, acknowledging their paternity and 
its responsibility, should provide a simple, easy 
way for its people, whose money is invested, and 
the public generally, to discover how the funds of 
these institutions are spent, and how their affairs 
are conducted. It should at the same time pro- 
vide a way by which the squandering or misuse 
of corporate funds would be made good to the 
parties injured thereby. 

"This might well be accomplished by requiring 
corporations to frequently file reports made out 
with the utmost detail, and which would not allow 



SECOXD YEAR AS GOl'ERXOK. 



77 



lobby expenses to be hidden under the pretext of 
legal services and counsel Ices, accompanied by 
vouchers and sworn to by the officers making 
them, showing particularly the debts, liabiliti< 
expenditures, and property of the corporation 
Let this report be delivered to some appropriate 
department or officer, who shall audit and examine 
the same; provide that a false oath to such ac- 
count shall be perjury, and make the directors 
liable to refund to the injured stockholders any 
expenditure which shall be d< termined improper 
by the auditing authority. 

"Such requirements might not be favorable to 
stock speculation, but they would protect the inno- 
cent investors; they might make the management 
of corporations more troublesome, but this ought 
not to be considered when the protection of the 
people is the matter in hand. It would prevent 
corporate efforts to influence legislation; the 
honestly conducted and strong corporations would 
have nothing to fear ; the badly managed ana 
weak ought to be exposed." 

It would be difficult to find in the record of any 
of our public men so well-considered a plan as 
that here presented, dealing with the glaring evils 
of legislative and official corruption. 

It was only natural that Grover Cleveland 
should devote much time, thought, and attention 
to the discussion of municipal affairs. His first 
political office, and that from which he had taken 



yg LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

his way into the higher walks of public life, was 
that of Mayor of Buffalo. During the time he 
occupied that office he brought to the discharge 
of its duties a purpose to do what lay in his 
power toward making his city a place where 
health, the material independence of its citizens, and 
their mental and moral growth might all be pro- 
moted. In was in the Mayoralty that he insisted 
upon a decent- economy and the most scrupulous 
fidelity to all the trusts imposed by public office. 
In his first message to the Legislature he had 
said : 

"They [municipal governments] should be so 
organized as to be simple in their details, and to 
cast upon the people affected thereby the full 
responsibility of their administration. The differ- 
ent departments should be in such accord as in 
their operation to lead toward the same results. 
Divided counsels and divided responsibility to the 
people, on the part of municipal officers, it is 
believed, give rise to much that is objectionable 
in the government of cities. If, to remedy this 
evil, the chief executive should be made answer- 
able to the people for the proper conduct of the 
city's affairs, it is quite clear that his power in the 
selection of those who manage its different depart- 
ments should be greatly enlarged." 

And aoain he said : 

" It is not only the right of the people to admin- 
ister their local government, but it should be made 



SECOND YEAR AS G01T.RX0R. 



79 



their duty to do so. Any departure from this 
doctrine is an abandonment of the principles upon 
which our institutions are founded, and a conces- 
sion of the infirmity and partial failure of the 
theory of a representative form of government. 

"If the aid of the Legislature is invoked to 
further projects which should be subject to local 
control and management, suspicion should be at 
once aroused, and the interference sought should 
be promptly and sternly refused. 

"If local rule is in any instance bad, weak, ot 
inefficient, those who suffer from maladministra- 
tion have the remedy within their own control. 
If, through their neglect or inattention, it falls into 
unworthy hands, or if bad methods and practices 
gain a place in its administration, it is neither 
harsh nor unjust to remit those who are respon- 
sible for those conditions to their self-invited fate, 
until their interest, if no better motive, prompts 
them to an earnest and active discharge of the 
duties of good citizenship." 

The Legislature of 1884, accepting this theory 
and acting upon what was the drift of discussion 
in the city of New York, passed an elaborate bill 
depriving the Board of Aldermen of the power 
•of confirmation of appointments to certain offices 
in that city, and lodging this power in the hands 
ol the Mayor without restriction. In some respects 
the new law did not meet the opinions of the Gov- 
ernor, but he signed it, filing- with the newly made 



g LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

law a memorandum of the reasons which had led 
him to take this action. Under this law the im- 
proved condition of municipal politics in the city 
of New York has become apparent. The Board 
of Aldermen, shorn of their coveted power of con- 
firmation, has not been able to maintain the old 
and unnatural importance which had been given 
to it; the politics of the city has had opportunity 
to lose its old-time reputation for bargains and 
bargaining, and there is a very apparent improve- 
ment in the character, not only of the officials ap- 
pointed by the Mayor, but of those elected by the 
people as well. Much of this is due to Mr. Cleve- 
land's recognition of the need of a change in 
municipal methods, suggested by his own expe- 
rience and elaborated by his industry and ability. 
That much still remains to be done no man will 
question, but with the interest which has been ex- 
cited in such questions and the intelligence which 
is being brought to bear upon it there can be no 
serious doubt of the result. When this is assured 
history will give due credit for it to the man who 
is now President of the United States. 

As Governor, Mr. Cleveland recognized the 
importance of the National Guard of New York, 
and did much to revive interest in its citizen sol- 
diery. He selected his staff not for ornamental 
purposes, as is so often the case with the militia 
of the several States, but with a view of eettinor 
the most efficient practical results. He was care- 



SECO.YD YEAR AS GOVERNOR. g r 

ful to promote the true interests of the soldiers 
who served in the Union army during the Civil 
War, approving measures giving soldiers and sail- 
ors preference for employment upon public works, 
and the provision for completing the records of 
New York regiments and other military organiza- 
tions and for their safe keeping. 

The pardoning power, one of the most respon- 
sible duties of the Governor, was exercised with 
care, and at the same time with greater frequency 
than usual. His legal training and practice had 
evidently convinced him that the power of trav- 
ersing the sentences of the vast number and vari- 
ety of courts in a State like New York was one 
which imposed the most serious responsibilities 
upon the Governor. The constant tendency on 
the part of a certain class of judges to impose 
"cruel and unusual punishments" is one of the 
most serious of the time, and one which constantly 
needs to be reviewed in order that justice may be 
tempered with that mercy which is its highest 
attribute. 

Among the more important measures passed 
was an Act providing for the appointment of a 
Commission to select and set apart such lands as 
might be found necessary for the preservation of 
the scenery at Niagara Falls. All the islands im- 
mediately above the falls, and the lands upon the. 
main shore, had early in the century been sold to 
private citizens. Some of them have been devoted 



82 



LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 



to manufacturing purposes, the forests upon the 
mainland have been cut down, and a process of 
deterioration has begun which, if continued, will 
soon destroy the charm and interest which Niagara 
has had as an object of natural beauty and 
sublimity. 

It had been some time in contemplation to pre- 
serve Niagara by creating a State reservation, by 
removing unsightly constructions, and restoring, 
so far as practicable, the scenery to its original 
character. The efforts in this direction had been 
thwarted by the action of Governor Cornell, who 
had indicated that if the proposed measure was 
passed he would refuse to sign it. Governor 
Cleveland, however, showed a generous disposi- 
tion to the undertaking, and encouraged the pas- 
sage of the bill. This law has since been carried 
into complete effect with the most satisfactory re- 
sults, and the State Reservation at Niagara Falls 
promises in due time to become one of the most 
striking of the landscape features of the State. 
Already many of the serious abuses which formerly 
met visitors to that ereat natural wonder have 
been removed. The Dominion of Canada has, on 
its part, carried on the work on the opposite side 
of the river.* 



* Much of the credit for the success of the New York undertaking must 
be ascribed to the late William Dorsheimer, who was by appointment one 
of the original, as he was the most active, of the Commissioners having the 
work in charge. 



SECOND YEAR AS GOVERNOR. g-, 

In brief, every question which engaged the at- 
tention or the energies of the people of the great 
State of New York found in Mr. Cleveland during 
his "service" as Governor the most intelligent and 
industrious encouragement. The reform of the 
State Civil Service system, the protection and 
preservation of the forests of the Adirondacks, 
the promotion of education and industry, found 
in the Governor of the State their most active and 
intelligent support. 

A speech which the Governor made at the Albany 
Hi^h School contains some observations which 
must have been derived from his own experience. 
It is here given both as an expression of his 
opinions upon important subjects, and by reason 
of its biographical value. He said: 

"I accepted the invitation of your principal to 
visit your school this morning with pleasure, be- 
cause I expected to see much that would gratify 
and interest me. In this I have not been disap- 
pointed. But I must confess that if I had known 
that my visit here involved my attempting to ad- 
dress you, I should have hesitated, and quite likely 
have declined the invitation. 

"I hasten to assure you now that there is noc 
the slightest danger of my inflicting a speech upon 
you, and that I shall do but little more than to ex- 
press my pleasure in the proof I have of the 
excellence of the methods and management of the 
school, and of the opportunities which those who 



SECOND YE A Is! AS GOVERNOR. 



S7 



the less important that those who are to be the 
wives and mothers should be educated, refined, 
and intelligent. To tell the truth, I should be 
afraid to trust the men, educated though they 
should be, if they were not surrounded by pure 
and true womanhood. Thus it is that you all, 
now and here, from the oldest to the youngest, 
owe a duty to the State which can only be an- 
swered by diligent study and the greatest possi- 
ble improvement. It is too often the case that in 
all walks and places the disposition is to render 
the least possible return to the State for the favors 
which she bestows. 

" If the consideration which I have mentioned 
fails to impress you, let me remind you of what 
you have often heard, that you owe it to your- 
selves and the importantpartof yourselves to seize, 
while you may, the opportunities to improve your 
minds, and store into them, for your own future 
use and advantage, the learning and knowledge 
now fairly within your reach. 

" None of you desire or expect to be less in- 
telligent or educated than your fellows. But un- 
less the notions of scholars have changed, there 
may be those among you who think that in some 
way or manner, after the school day is over, there 
will be an opportunity to regain any ground now 
lost, and to complete an education without a 
present devotion to school requirements. I am 
sure tliis is a mistake. A moment's reflection 



g3 LIFE OF CKOVER CLEVELAND. 

ought to convince all of you that when you have 
once entered upon the stern, uncompromising, 
and unrelenting duties of mature life, there will 
be no time for study. You will have a contest 
then forced upon you which will strain every 
nerve and engross every faculty. A good educa- 
tion, if you have it, will aid you, but if you are 
without it, you cannot stop to acquire it. When 
you leave the school you are well equipped for 
the van in the army of life, or you are doomed to 
be a laggard, aimlessly and listlessly following in 
the rear. 

" Perhaps a reference to truths so trite is use- 
less here. I hope it is. But I have not been able 
to forego the chance to assure those who are hard 
at work that they will surely see their compensa- 
tion, and those, if any such there are, who find 
school duties irksome, and neglect or slightingly, 
perform them, that they are trifling with serious 
things and treading on dangerous ground." 

Before the meeting of the Legislature in 1885 
the verdict of the people of the United States, of 
"Well done," had been pronounced, and Mr. 
Cleveland resigned the Governorship into the 
hands of David Bennett Hill, the faithful coadju- 
tor who had entered office with him as Lieutenant- 
Governor in January, 1883. With the exception 
of Mr. Tilden, it is doubtful whether such an in- 
dustrious Governor had ever been seen in 
Albany. Mr. Cleveland went to his room in the 



SECOND YEAR AS GOVERNOR. <? n 

Capitol at nine o'clock in the morning, and he 
seldom left it, except to take his meals, before 
midnight. He examined every bill with a close 
and critical attention, and never decided upon one 
with whose provisions he was not perfectly fa- 
miliar. The same care was taken with all other 
official acts. The result was not only an excel- 
lent performance of the public service, but the 
Governor himself received a severe discipline and 
a wide education from his labors. 

After his resignation he retired to a quiet pri- 
vate residence in Albany, where he devoted him- 
self to the new duties to which the favor of his 
countrymen had called him. He received deleo-a- 
tions from States and delegations from sections. 
He gave patient audience to the friends of men 
who sought, or for whom was asked, admission 
into his Cabinet as Presidential advisers. He 
heard men who wanted office for themselves or 
their friends. He was then, in the hour of tri- 
umph, the same unobtrusive man, the most 
modest member of his party, over the great and 
decisive victory achieved with him as its leader. 

A few days before the 4th of March, 1885, 
he went to Washington as the euest f ^g j ate 
President Arthur. He was received with many 
demonstrations of respect, joy, and confidence on 
his way to begin the new career which fate and 
his own merits had marked out for him. 

The conduct of the outgoing President toward 



90 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

his successor was marked by the urbanity and 
courtesy which had characterized Mr. Arthur's 
demeanor throughout the trying times of his 
entire Administration. He had come to the first 
office of the country under the most painful and 
embarrassing circumstances. Distrusted by the 
opposition and by a very strong faction in his own 
party, he bore himself as a gentleman and a 
patriot. His unselfish purposes and his intelli- 
gent policy alike were unappreciated by the 
Blaine wing of the party ; and they had com- 
passed the defeat of his nomination, only to be 
themselves unhorsed in the campaign. 




CHAPTER VII. 

THE CANVASS AND CONVENTION OF 1 884. 

~^HE disputed result of the Presidential 
election of 1876, the death of President 
Garfield, and the unexpected accession of 
President Arthur gave to the political campaign 
of 1884 an interest and importance which had not 
entered into any preceding political contest since 
.that of i860. The clean, dignified, and manly ad- 
ministration of President Arthur, and especially 
its tendencies toward tariff reform, had not given 
satisfaction to the majority of his party ; and it 
early became evident to intelligent and impartial 
observers that he could not secure a nomination 
to succeed himself. The dominance of Mr. Blaine 
in the counsels of his party had long been ac- 
knowledged ; in the early part of the canvass it was 
clear that he had become the commanding force. 
He and his followers had had a brief taste of 
authority while he was occupying the office of 
Secretary of State during the luckless and waver- 
ing rule of Garfield, and his last desperate effort 
to seize the standard of his party was rewarded 
with his nomination for President, Senator John 
A. Logan being named for second place. 

93 



94 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

On the other hand, the drift in the Democratic 
party toward Mr. Cleveland was scarcely less ap- 
parent. The reform and progressive elements of 
the party represented by Mr. Tilden so long as 
he chose to remain their leader, had begun to 
look toward the Governor of New York as his 
natural successor. It was generally conceded 
that the party, having been so long out of power, 
must make a nomination which would not only 
prove attractive to the voters directly attached to 
its principles, purposes, and leaders, but one which 
would appeal to the large and increasing number 
of independent, unattached, or semi-detached 
voters, always found most numerously in the 
ereat and controlling State of New T York, and 
who had now clearly become a strong force in the 
politics of the United States. Mr. Cleveland's 
course as Governor had been such that a con- 
siderable element of his party in the State of New 
York was bitterly opposed to his promotion to the 
Presidency of the United States. In spite of 
this feeling, the State Convention held at Saratoga 
in June, 1884, to select delegates to the Demo- 
cratic National Convention called to meet at 
Chicago on the eighth of July following selected 
seventy-two delegates, who were not placed under 
instructions as to candidates, but were directed to 
vote on all questions as a unit. Each element of 
the party then hoped to gain control of the dele- 
gation. 



'THE CANVASS AND CONVENTION OE 1SS4. 95' 

Meanwhile the canvass was o;oincr on in other 
States of the Union, in many of which a strong 
sentiment had developed in favor of the nomi- 
nation of the New York candidate ; so that when 
the Convention met in Chicago party sentiment 
had pretty effectually crystallized itself around the 
name of Mr. Cleveland as the most available 
candidate for the Presidency. 

The National Democratic Convention of 1884 
met in the Exposition Hall, Chicago, at noon en 
Tuesday, July 8th. It was called to order by ex- 
Senator William H. Barnum, of Connecticut, 
Chairman of the National Committee, who, after 
prayer had been offered by the Rev. D. C. 
Marquis, of Chicago, congratulated the assembled 
delegates upon the sentiment of harmony which 
pervaded the body they were about to form and 
proceeded at once to business by naming as 
Temporary Chairman ex-Governor Richard B. 
Hubbard, of Texas, who spoke at some length on 
the issues of the day. Frederick O. Prince, of 
Massachusetts, was made Temporary Secretary, 
Richard J. Bright, of Indiana, Sergeant-at-arms, 
with a full list of assistants to each selected with 
care from every section of the Union. 

Immediately after the temporary organization 
had been effected, an attack was made by the 
minority of the delegation from the State of New 
York, known as the " Tammany wing," upon the 
unit rule which had so lon^ o-overned the action 



5 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND, 

. of National Democratic Conventions when in- 
* structions had been made by the States from 
which delegations were accredited. A long dis- 
cussion ensued in which the opposing elements 
from the Empire State were the principal disput- 
ants, after which, by a vote of 463 to 332, the Con- 
vention decided in favor of the retention of the 
unit rule. This solidified New York for Cleve- 
land and vastly strengthened his cause in other 
States. Committees were appointed on Perma- 
nent Organization, Credentials, and Resolutions, 
composed of one delegate from each State. 

On the second day a permanent organization 
was effected, with William F. Vilas, of Wisconsin, 
as President ; the Temporary Secretary, Sergeant- 
at-arms, and assistants were declared Permanent, 
and Vice-Presidents and Secretaries from each State 
were added. The presiding officer in a long and 
able speech, that did much to win for him recogni- 
tion a few months later in his appointment as 
Postmaster-General in the Cabinet of the Presi- 
dent of the United States, laid down the princi- 
ples upon which he thought the canvass should be 
conducted and predicted the victory which followed. 
The Committee on Resolutions not being ready to 
report, an animated discussion arose over the 
question of naming the candidate for President, 
and the Convention decided that this should be 
done. The roll of States was called and the 
names of Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio ; Thomas F. 



THE CANVASS AND CONVENTION OF 1884. 97 

Bayard, of Delaware ; Joseph E. McDonald, of 
Indiana; John G. Carlisle, of Kentucky ; Samuel J. 
Randall, of Pennsylvania, and Grover Cleveland, 
of New York, were formally presented as candi- 
dates for nomination to the office of President of 
the United States. Nearly all the second day, 
together with the day session of the third, was con- 
sumed in speeches. The Committee on Resolu- 
tions reported at the evening session of the third 
day, July ioth, and immediately after the adop- 
tion of its report the first ballot for President was 
taken, with the following result: Cleveland, 392 ; 
Bayard, 170; Thurman, 88; Randall, 78 ; McDon- 
ald, 56; Carlisle, 27; Flower, 4; Hoadley, 3; 
Hendricks, 1 ; Tilden, 1. Necessary to a choice 
under the two-thirds rule, 547. 

By a close vote adjournment was had until 
eleven o'clock on Friday morning, when a remark- 
able scene occurred in the effort to stampede the 
Convention to Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana. 
A oreat tumult was aroused in the ofalleries for 
half an hour, at the end of which time Mr. Voor- 
hees, of Indiana, withdrew the name of Joseph E. 
McDonald, with announced purpose on the part of 
the delegation from that State to cast its vote for 
Mr. Hendricks. As the ballot proceeded it be- 
came apparent that Cleveland was the choice of 
the Convention, and with changes in the vote of 
many States, the result of the second ballot 
was declared as follows ; Cleveland, 683 ; Bayard, 



q3 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

Si}4 ; Hendricks, 45^ ; Thurman,4; Randall, 4; 
McDonald, 4. Upon the announcement of this 
result Mr. Menzies, of Indiana, made a motion, 
which was seconded by delegates from a number 
of States, that the nomination be made unani- 
mous. This was passed without dissent, and 
Grover Cleveland was declared the candidate of 
the National Democratic Convention for the Pres- 
idency of the United States. 

Adjournment was then had until evening, when 
nominations for Vice-President were declared to 
be in order. Upon the call of States California 
presented William S. Rosecrans ; Colorado, Jos- 
eph E. McDonald ; Georgia, John C. Black, sec- 
onded by Illinois, and Kansas, George W. Glide. 
When Pennsylvania was reached ex-Senator Wil- 
liam A. Wallace presented the name of Thomas 
A. Hendricks, of Indiana, and asked that he be 
nominated by acclamation. After some discus- 
sion the names of all other candidates were with- 
drawn and the vote of every delegate in the Con- 
vention was cast for Mr. Hendricks, who was 
thus made the candidate of the Democratic party 
for the Vice-Presidency of the United States. 
The ticket was completed and the nominations 
ratified with such an outburst of enthusiasm and 
demonstrations of applause as had never before 
been seen and heard on the continent. After the 
adoption of the customary resolutions of thanks 
the Convention adjourned sine die. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

THE CLEVELAND-BLAINE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN. 



~"^HE campaign which followed the nomina- 
tions was one of the the most exciting 
and bitter known to the history of this 
country. It was rendered particularly so by the 
opposition to Blaine of a large numberof indepen- 
dent voters in every State of the Union. These 
men had been Republicans almost to a man. 
Many of them were the leaders of their party and 
had been prominent in its counsels from its or- 
ganization. Others were young men thus early 
driven out of their party because of a recognition 
of its bad tendencies and the dangerous character 
of its candidate for President, Mr. Blaine. Mad- 
dened by these desertions and rendered desper- 
ate by the prospective loss of power long held by 
the aid of discreditable methods, the National 
Committee of the Republican party, aided by the 
close friends of its candidate, invented and gave 
currency to outrageous charges against the pri- 
vate character of the Democratic candidate. He 
met these with a pitiless exposure of their falsity, 
and with conscious integrity demanded from his 
friends that they should " Tell the truth." This 

99 



IOO LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

declaration became a Democratic watchword dur- 
ing the ensuing canvass. Of Cleveland's mawly 
conduct with relation to this phase of the cam- 
paign, and in striking contrast with the attitude 
of his opponent on questions deeply affecting his 
personal integrity, the editor of Harper s Weekly, 
August 1 6th, 1884, said: 

"There was no whining about his private bus- 
iness; no seizing of letters, and, after a menacing 
pressure of public opinion, a theatrical reading of 
such parts as he chose and with his own com- 
ments ; there was no desperate equivocation and 
attempted concealment. 'Tell the truth' was 
the only reply — a reply which showed a man hon- 
orably unwilling to receive any public trust under 
false pretenses." 

SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE. 

In due time Governor Cleveland was notified 
officially of his nomination by the Committee ap- 
pointed for that purpose. In reply he made the 
following brief and pointed address : 

"Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee: 

"Your formal announcement does not, of 
course, convey to me the first information of the 
result of the Convention lately held by the De- 
mocracy of the Nation, and yet, when, as I listen 
to your message, I see about me representatives 
from all parts of the land of the great party which, 



CLEVELAND BLAINE CAMPAIGN. 101 

claiming to be the party of the people, asks them 
to intrust to it the administration of their crovern- 
ment, and when I consider under the influence of 
the stern reality which the present surroundings 
create, that I have been chosen to represent the 
plans, purposes, and the policy of the Democratic 
party, I am profoundly impressed by the solemnity 
of the occasion and by the responsibility of my 
position. Though I gratefully appreciate it, I do 
not at this moment congratulate myself upon the 
distinguished honor which has been conferred 
upon me, because my mind is full of an anxious 
desire to perform well the part which has been 
assigned to me. 

" Nor do I at this moment forget that the rights 
and interests of more than fifty millions of my 
fellow-citizens are involved in our efforts to grain 
Democratic supremacy. This reflection presents 
to my mind the consideration which more than all 
others gives to the action of my party in conven- 
tion assembled its most sober and serious aspect. 
The party and its representatives which ask to be 
intrusted at the hands of the people with the 
keeping of all that concerns their welfare and 
their safety, should only ask it with the full appre- 
ciation of the sacredness of the trust, and with a 
firm resolve to administer it faithfully and well. I 
am a Democrat because I believe that this truth 
lies at the foundation of true Democracy. I have 
kept the faith, because I believe if rightly and fairly 



102 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

administered and applied, Democratic doctrines 
and measures will insure the happiness, content- 
ment, and prosperity of the people. 

" If, in the contest upon which we now enter, we 
steadfastly hold to the underlying principles of 
our party creed, and at all times keep in view the 
people's good, we shall be strong, because we are 
true to ourselves, and because the plain and 
independent voters of the land will seek by their 
suffrages to compass their release from party 
tyranny where there should be submission to the 
popular will, and their protection from party cor- 
ruption where there should be devotion to the 
people's interests. These thoughts lend a conse- 
cration to our cause, and we go forth, not merely 
to gain a partisan advantage, but pledged to 
give to those who trust us the utmost benefits of 
a pure and honest administration of National 
affairs. No higher purpose or motive can stimu- 
late us to supreme effort, or urge us to continuous 
and earnest labor and effective party organization. 
Let us not fail in this, and we may confidently 
hope to reap the full reward of patriotic services 
well performed. I have thus called to mind some 
simple truths, and, trite though they are, it seems 
to me we do well to dwell upon them at this time. 
I shall soon, I hope, signify, in the usual formal 
manner, my acceptance of the nomination which has 
been tendered to me. In the meantime I gladly 
greet you all as co-workers in the noble cause." 



CLEVELAND-BLAINE CAMPAIGN. 1 03 

FORMAL LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE. 

Subsequently, Mr. Cleveland wrote and for- 
warded to the Committee of Notification the fol- 
lowing letter, which sets forth more in detail his 
ideas of the issues of the campaign : 

"Albany, N. Y., August 1 8th, 1884. 

"Gentlemen: I have received your communi- 
cation dated July 28th, 1884, informing me of my 
nomination to the office of President of the United. 
States by the National Democratic Convention 
lately assembled at Chicago. 

" I accept the nomination with a grateful appre- 
ciation of the supreme honor conferred, and a 
solemn sense of the responsibility which, in its 
acceptance, I assume. 

" I have carefully considered the platform 
adopted by the Convention and cordially approve 
the same. So plain a statement of Democratic faith 
and the principles upon which that party appeals 
to the suffrages of the people needs no supple- 
ment or explanation. 

" It should be remembered that the office of 
President is essentially executive in its nature. 
The laws enacted by the legislative branch of the 
Government the Chief Executive is bound faith- 
fully to enforce. And when the wisdom of the 
political party which selects one of its members as 
a nominee for that office has outlined its policy 



104 LIFE OF GROVE R CLEVELAND. 

and declared its principles, it seems to me that 
no thin 2f in the character of the office or the neces- 
sities of the case requires more from the candi- 
date accepting- such nomination than the sugges- 
tion of certain well-known truths so absolutely 
vital to the safety and welfare of the nation, that 
they cannot be too often recalled or too seriously 
enforced. 

"We proudly call ours a government by the 
people. It is not such when a class is tolerated 
which arrogates to itself the management of pub- 
lic affairs, seeking to control the people instead 
of representing- them. 

" Parties are the necessary outgrowth of our in- 
stitutions ; but a government is not by the people 
when one party fastens its control upon the coun- 
try and perpetuates its power by cajoling and be- 
traying the people instead of serving them. 

"A government is not by the people, when a 
result which should represent the intelligent will 
of free and thinking men is, or can be > determined 
by the shameless corruption of their suffrages. 

" When an election to office shall be the selection 
by the voters of one of their number to assume 
for a time a public trust instead of his dedication 
to the profession of politics ; when the holders of 
the ballot, quickened by a sense of duty, shall 
avenge truth betrayed and pledges broken, and 
when the suffrage shall be altogether free and 
uncorrupted, the full realization of a government 



CLEVELAXD-BLAINE CAMPAIGN, 1 05 

by the people will be at .hand. And of the means 
to this end, not one would, in my judgment, be 
more effective than an amendment to the Consti- 
tution disqualifying the President from re-election. 
When we consider the patronage of this great 
office, the allurements of power, the temptation to 
retain public place once gained, and, more than 
all, the availability a party finds in an incumbent 
whom a horde of office-holders, with a zeal born 
of benefits received, and fostered by the hopes of 
favors yet to come, stand ready to aid with money 
and trained political service, we recognize in the 
eligibility of the President for re-election a most 
serious danger to that calm, deliberate, and intelli- 
gent political action which must characterize a 
government by the people. 

"A true American sentiment recognizes the dig- 
nity of labor and the fact that honor lies in honest 
toil. Contented labor is an element of national 
prosperity. Ability to work constitutes the capi- 
tal and the wage of labor the income of a vast 
number of our population ; and this interest should 
be jealously protected. Our workingmen are 
not asking unreasonable indulgence; but as in- 
telligent and manly citizens, they seek the same 
consideration which those demand who have other 
interests at stake. They should receive their full 
share of the care and attention of those who make 
and execute the laws, to the end that the wants 
and needs of the employers and the employed 



Iq6 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

shall alike be subserved, - and the prosperity of 
the country, the common heritage of both, be ad- 
vanced. As related to this subject, while we 
should not discourage the immigration of those 
who come to acknowledge allegiance to our eov- 

O <Z> O 

ernment and add to our citizen population, yet 
as a means of protection to our workingmen, a 
different rule should prevail concerning those who, 
if they come, or are brought, to our land, do not 
intend to become Americans, but will injuriously 
compete with those justly entitled to our field of 
labor. 

" In a letter accepting the nomination to the 
office of Governor, nearly two years ago, I made 
the following statement, to which I have steadily 
adhered: 

" ' The laboring classes constitute the main -part 
of our population. They should be protected in 
their efforts peaceably to assert their rights when 
endangered by aggregated capital ; and all stat- 
utes on this subject should recognize the care of 
the State for- honest toil and be framed with a 
view of improving the condition of the working- 
man.' 

"A proper regard for the welfare of the work- 
ingman being inseparably connected with the in- 
tegrity of our institutions, none of our citizens are 
more interested than they in guarding against 
any corrupting influences which seek to pervert 
the beneficent purposes of our Government; and 



CLEVELAND-BLAINE CAMPAIGN. \0J 

none should be more watchful of the artful machi- 
nations of those who allure them to self-inflicted 
injury. 

"In a free country, the curtailment of the abso- 
lute rights of the individual should only be such 
as is essential to the peace and good order of the 
community. The limit between the proper sub- 
jects of governmental control, and those which 
can be more fittingly left to the moral sense and 
self-imposed restraint of the citizen, should be 
carefully kept in view. Thus laws unnecessarily 
interfering with the habits and customs of any of 
our people which are not offensive to the moral 
sentiments of the civilized world, and which are 
consistent with good citizenship and the public 
welfare, are unwise and vexatious. 

"The commerce of a nation to a oreat extent de- 
termines its supremacy. Cheap and easy trans- 
portation should therefore be liberally fostered. 
Within the limits of the Constitution, the General 
Government should so improve and protect its 
natural water-ways as will enable the producers 
of the country to reach a profitable market. 

" The people pay the wages of the public em- 
ployes, and they are entitled to the fair and 
honest work which the money thus paid should 
command. It is the duty of those intrusted with 
the management of their affairs to see that such 
public service is forthcoming. The selection and 
retention of subordinates in Government employ- 



j S LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

ment should depend upon their ascertained fitness 
and the value of their work, and they should be 
neither expected nor allowed to do questionable 
party service. The interests of the people will be 
better protected ; the estimate of public labor and 
duty will be immensely improved ; public employ- 
ment will be open to all who can demonstrate 
their fitness to enter it ; the unseemly scramble 
for place under the Government, with the conse- 
quent importunity which embitters official life, will 
cease ; and the public departments will not be 
filled with those who conceive it to be their first 
duty to aid the party to which they owe their 
places, instead of rendering patient and honest 
return to the people. 

"I believe that the public temper is such that 
the voters of the land are prepared to support 
the party which gives the best promise of 
administering the Government in the honest, 
simple, and plain manner which is consistent with 
its character and purposes. They have learned 
that mystery and concealment in the management 
of their affairs cover tricks and betrayal. The 
statesmanship they require consists in honesty 
and frugality, a prompt response to the needs of 
the people as they arise, and the vigilant pro- 
tection of all their varied interests. 

" If I should be called to the Chief Magistracy 
of the Nation by the suffrages of my fellow-citi- 
zens, I will assume the duties of that high office 



CLEVELAND-BLAISE CAMPAIGN. Ill 

with a solemn determination to dedicate every 
effort to the country's good, and with an humble 
reliance upon the favor and support of the 
Supreme Being, who I believe will always bless 
honest human endeavor in the conscientious dis- 
charge of public duty. 

"GROVER CLEVELAND. 

"To Colonel William F. Vilas, Chairman, and D. 
P. Bestor, and o titers, members of the Notifica- 
tion Committee of the Democratic National Con- 
vention!' 

INDEPENDENT SUPPORT OF CLEVELAND. 

The serious and earnest tone which pervaded 
both of these deliverances commended their author 
to the hearty support of a great body of electors 
whose votes had been seldom of late years cast 
for Democratic nominees. 

Among the prominent Republicans who made 
speeches or otherwise took an active part in favor 
of the election of Mr . Cleveland were George 
William Curtis, editor of Harper s Weekly ; Carl 
Schurz, ex-Secretary of the Interior; Rev. Henry 
Ward Beecher; Colonel Charles R. Codman, Col- 
onel Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Henry L. 
Pierce, the late Rev. James Freeman Clarke, all of 
Boston ; ex-Senator Waclleigh, of New Hamp- 
shire ; ex-Governors Daniel H. Chamberlain, of 
South Carolina, Blair, of Michigan, and Pound, of 
Wisconsin; Henry C. Lea, of Philadelphia, be- 



112 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

sides hundreds of able though less widely known 
men in every part of the United States who 
were active in the promotion of the principles and 
the success of the Republican party so long as they 
thought its candidates creditable and honest men. 
While the independent candidacy of General 
Butler and his support by the New York Sun — 
which journal, late a supporter of the Democratic 
party, had become the most virulent foe of its 
candidate — distracted what was known as the 
" Labor vote " in some quarters, the candidacy of 
Governor St. John on the Prohibition ticket in 
equal degree weakened the Republican party, and 
diverted from it a considerable part of its strength 
in close States where it was not easily spared. 

Influential independent and Republican journals, 
like the Boston Herald and Transcript, the New 
York Herald, Times, Evening Post, and Harper s 
Weekly, the Philadelphia Times, Indianapolis News, 
and the powerful and effective cartoons and cari- 
catures of Puck, gave to the Cleveland campaign 
a journalistic support which his party had not 
enjoyed for a generation ; and they were a tre- 
mendous factor in achieving the successful result. 

Throughout the campaign Governor Cleveland 
bore himself with great dignity, composure, and 
self-reliance. He exercised with his usual dili- 
gence and efficiency the functions of the Guber- 
natorial office in Albany ; he seldom went beyond 
the borders of his own State, and never neglected 



CLEVELAND-BLAINE CAMPAIGN. I I 3 

the duties of its Chief Magistracy to promote 
his election or to serve the purposes of the party 
managers. His few speeches were characterized 
by the same seriousness and sincerity which 
pervaded all the utterances of his official career, 
and one of the effects of the popular confidence 
thus gained was seen in the steady increase of his 
support in business and financial circles ; the 
Commercial Exchanges of New York and other 
centres of trade manifested a great preponderance 
of sentiment in his favor. 

In contrast with his campaign and his personal 
conduct was the wild pageantry with which Blaine 
was conducted over the country, culminating in a 
series of ovations, dinners, and receptions in 
New York city. One of these, a select assem- 
blage of millionaires to do honor to the Republican 
candidate, created a strong feeling that his election 
was chiefly desired by the plutocrats and monopo- 
lists ; at another a misfit preacher named Bur- 
chard dropped an ill-timed remark, aspersing the 
Democracy as the party of "Rum, Romanism, and 
Rebellion," and to these two incidents many of 
Mr. Blaine's admirers lay the accountability for the 
slender adverse plurality which lost to him New 
York and the Presidency. 

AMONG OLD FRIENDS. 

In the course of this campaign, and when the 
fiercest attacks upon his private character were 
being made, Mr. Cleveland made a visit to his old 



] T4 LIFE OF G ROVER CIEVELAND.' 

home and to the friends of his youth and manhood 
in Buffalo. On October 2d, 1884, after the longest 
interval of absence during his thirty years resi- 
dence there, he was received with such an ovation 
of enthusiasm as testified that his hold upon the 
affections and esteem of his fellow- townsmen had 
not weakened. For the people of that great city, 
Henry Martin, President of the Manufacturers' 
and Tradesmen's Bank, welcomed him, and, in a 
speech of reply, Governor Cleveland, referring to 
the significance of the greeting, said with great 
pathos : 

"It tells me that my neighbors are still my 
friends. It assures me that I have not been alto- 
gether unsuccessful in my efforts to deserve their 
confidence and attachment. In years to come, I 
shall deem myself not far wrong if I still retain 
their good opinion ; and if surrounding cares and 
perplexities bring but anxiety and vexation, I 
shall find solace and comfort in the memory of the 
days spent here, and in recalling the kindness of 
my Buffalo friends." 

To the great business men's meeting in New 
York, to which Mr. Tilden sent a letter of char- 
acteristic strength, Mr. Cleveland spoke with 
entire acceptability, and in his Newark, N. J., 
speech, near the close of the campaign, he thus 
foreshadowed what has come to be the supreme 
issue of political discussion in the closing years 
of his first term : 

" It is quite plain, too, that the people have a 



CLEVELAND-BLAINE CAMPAIGN. I T 5 

richt to demand that no more money should be 
taken from them directly or indirectly for public 
uses than is necessary for an honest and econom- 
ical administration of public affairs. Indeed, the 
riijht of the Government to exact tribute from the 
citizens is limited to its actual necessities, and 
every cent taken from the people beyond that re- 
quired for their protection by the Government is 
no better than robbery. We surely must con- 
demn, then, a system which takes from the pock- 
ets of the people millions of dollars not needed 
for the support of the Government, and which 
tends to the inauguration of corrupt schemes 
and extravagant expenditures. 

" The Democratic party has declared that all 
taxation shall be limited by the requirements of 
an economical Government. This is plain and 
direct ; and it distinctly recognizes the value of 
labor and its rioht to crovern mental care when it 
further declares that the necessary reduction in 
taxation and limitation thereof to the country's 
needs should be effected without destroying 
American labor, or the ability to compete success- 
fully with foreign labor, and without injuring the 
interests of our laboring population." 

In the last speech of the 1884 campaign, at 
Bridgeport, Connecticut, he said: 

" The world does not present a more sublime 
spectacle than a nation of freemen determining 
their own cause, and the leader whom they follow 
at such a time may well feel a sober, solemn sense 



I I 6 L IFE OF GROVE R CLEVEZA ND. 

of responsibility. The plaudits of his fellows he 
should feel, but only to feel more intensely what 
a serious thing it is to have in keeping their hopes 
and their confidence." 



Two years before, when there opened to him 
the wide prospect of election to the Gubernatorial 
chair of New York, he had, in the privacy of his 
own family circle, written the following letter, 
which accidentally came to light in the campaign 
of 1884, oily to disclose his modest and yet self- 
reliant character, his consecration to public duty, 
and utter disregard of any other consideration 
than the conscientious exercise of solemn trust: 

Mayor's Office, Buffalo, N. Y., 

November 7th, 1883. 

My Dear Brother: — I have just voted. I sit 
here in the Mayor's office alone, with the excep- 
tion of an artist from Frank Leslie's newspaper, 
who is sketching the office. If mother were here 
I should be writing to her, and I feel as if it were 
time for me to write to some one who will believe 
what I write. I have been for some time in the 
atmosphere of certain success, so that I have 
been sure that I should assume the duties of the 
hio-h office for which I have been named. I have 
tried hard in the light of this fact to properly 
appreciate the responsibilities that will rest upon 
me, and they are much — too much — underesti- 



CLEVELAND BLAINE CAMPAIGN. I I J 

mated. But the thought that has troubled me is: 
Can I well perform my duties, and in such a 
manner as to do some good to the people of the 
State? I know there is room for it, and I know 
that I am honest and sincere in my desire to do 
well, but the question is whether I know enough 
to accomplish what I desire, 

The social life which seems to await me has 
also been a subject of much anxious thought. I 
have a notion that I can regulate that very much 
as I desire, and if I can I shall spend very little 
in the purely ornamental part of the office. In 
point of fact, I will tell you, first of all others, the 
policy I intend to adopt, and that is to make the 
matter a business en^a^ement between the 
people of the State and myself, in which the 
obligation on my side is to perform the duties 
assigned me with an eye single to the interest of 
my employers. I shall have no idea of re-election 
or of any higher political preferment in my head, 
but be very thankful and happy if I can well 
serve one term as the people's Governor. Do 
you know that if mother were alive I should feel 
so much safer? I have always thought her 
prayers had much to do with my success. I shall 
expect you to help me in that way. 

Give my love to and to , if she is 

with you, and believe me, 

Your affectionate brother, 

GROVER CLEVELAND. 



n8 



LIFE OF C ROVER CLEVELAND. 



The State election in Ohio took place in Octo- 
ber and was carried by the Republican candidates 
for State offices. Mr. Blaine made an election- 
eering tour through that State during the latter 
part of September, and the most active efforts were 
put forth to secure a favorable result. The Demo- 
crats carried Georgia and West Virginia, so that 
the State elections which had long been supposed 
to influence the general result at the Presidential 
election, were deemed an offset to each other, Indi- 
ana having ceased to be an October State. 

The election was held on November 4th, 1884, 
resulting in the choice of electors as follows : 



FOR CLEVELAND. 

Alabama, IO 

Arkansas, 7 

Connecticut, 6 

Delaware, '. . 3 

Florida, 4 

Georgia, 12 

Indiana, 15 

Kentucky, 13 

Louisiana, 8 

Maryland, 8 

Mis-issippi, 9 

Missouri, . 16 

New Jersey, 9 

New York, 36 

North Carolina, 11 

South Carolina, 9 

Tennessee, • . . 12 

Texas, 13 

Virginia, 12 

West Virginia, 6 

Total, 2 1 9 



FOR BLAINE. 

California, 8 

Colorado, 3 

Illinois, 22 

Iowa, 13 

Kansas, 9 

Maine, 6 

Massachusetts, 14 

Michigan, 13 

Minnesota, 7 

Nebraska, 5 

Nevada, 3 

New Hampshire, 4 

Ohio, 23 

Oregon, 3 

Pennsylvania, ....... 30 

Rhode Island, 4 

Vermont, 4 

Wisconsin, 11 

Total, 1S2 



CLEVELAND-BLAINE CAMPAIGN. I I 9 

The popular vote aggregated as follows: 

Cleveland, 4,874,986 Butler, i73,37o 

Chine, 4,851,981 St. John, 150:369 

For some days after the election an attempt 
was made to represent the result as doubtful be- 
cause the plurality in the State of New York was 
small. But the effort was so decidedly the last 
expiring hope of a defeated party that it produced 
no other feeling stronger than disgust and a de- 
termination that no such fraudulent result as that 
of 1876 should be declared. In four days after 
the election the result was universally accepted. 

The managers of the defeated party, in their 
intense disappointment, vented their rage partly 
upon the Prohibitionists, and to some degree upon 
the luckless speech of Rev. Dr. Burchard ; their 
deepest resentment, however, was exhibited 
against the so-called " Mugwumps," for whom no 
terms of reproach were deemed too violent. The 
Independent Republicans, who had vainly pro- 
tested against Blaine's nomination and had con- 
tributed to his defeat at the polls, received the 
abuse now heaped upon them with great com- 
placency and hopefully looked to the new Admin- 
istration for their vindication. 

The Democrats over the whole country cele- 
brated their victory with jubilees, barbecues, 
parades, and varied methods of popular rejoicing. 
The celebration of 1876 had been premature ; 
but now the triumphant party gave vent to dem- 



120 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

onstrations of unqualified and unrestrained joy. 
Amid all this, in many quarters, were heard the 
warning voices of discreet leaders, pointing out 
that the victory should be interpreted as a tri- 
umph of the better elements of alLparties, and a 
narrow escape of the Government from threatened 
perils rather than a mere partisan achievement. 
Speculation was rife as to how a comparatively 
untried man would meet and deal with the great 
responsibilities of an office coming to him under 
the peculiar circumstances oi the campaign of 
1884. 



CHAPTER IX. 

PREPARING FOR THE NEW ADMINISTRATION. 

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM — THE SILVER QUESTION. 

THE interval between the retirement of 
Governor Cleveland from the Executive 
chair of New York, which David B. Hill, 
the Lieutenant-Governor, was now called upon to 
fill, and the inauguration of a Democratic Ad- 
ministration at the Federal capital, was busily 
occupied with consultations and plans for the re- 
organization in Federal power of a party virtually 
excluded from it for nearly a quarter of a cen- 
tury. Chief in all such councils and first among 
all counselors of the President-elect, then and 
ever since, was and has been Colonel Daniel S. 
Lamont, who was soon to be translated from the 
position of Private Secretary to the Governor of 
New York to that of Private Secretary to the 
President of the United States. A young man, 
trained in the best school of New York politics, 
experienced in journalism, quick to perceive the 
value and character of men, discreet in speech, 
and efficient in commanding the largest share of 
information from any visitor, whether he has an 

axe to grind or comes merely as an interested 

121 



122 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

observer of the action and character of others 
— he has shown himself the most intelligent, as he 
has become the best known of all the men who 
in the arduous and difficult post of Private Secre- 
tary have contributed to increase the interest and 
the pleasure or to lighten the labor of men in the 
public life of the United States. 

To most men the lack of all experience in pub- 
lic life in a Federal office would have been a seri- 
ous drawback on the threshold of an Administra- 
tion which was to bring back to the country the 
policy of a party long excluded. But it was rather 
an advantage to Grover Cleveland. He had none 
of those prejudices, those likes and dislikes, which 
incessantly surround the men who have had many 
years experience in the somewhat artificial and 
insincere life of Washington. He did not know 
personally any large number of those with whom 
he was destined to deal. But he had patience, 
the faculty of investigating everything with care, 
and of deciding it on its merits, and he had an 
insight into men and their characters which is rare. 

There were more things to do in the interval 
between the election in November, 1884, and the 
inauguration of March 4th, 1885, than the mere 
choosing of men to carry out the policy of the new 
President and the party behind him. Delegations 
with ideas of various kinds, which they were anx- 
ious to force upon the attention of the powers 
that were to be, had to be received and answered. 



THE PRE PARA TION. I 2 5 

Eccentric men and women must be received and 
treated with a politeness which such persons at 
times do much to strain. The admonition of many 
well-meaning persons without ideas or mission, 
but with a capacity for curiosity, had to be accepted 
in a spirit as meek as was consonant with the fail- 
ings of humanity. Most important, and most dif- 
ficult of all, the man who was to take upon him- 
self such a burden was compelled continually to 
enunciate anew the principles upon which he 
would seek to shape his policy. His election had 
been promoted by the support of a large and 
growing class of men in politics formerly denom- 
inated by the somewhat indefinite name of "inde- 
pendent voters/' but known during the campaign 
and since by the title of " Mugwumps " — a distinct- 
ive addition to the nomenclature of politics. 

CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM LETTER. 

Before his retirement from the Governorship, 
under date of December 25th, 1884, Mr. Cleve- 
land wrote a letter to Mr. George William Curtis, 
President of the National Civil Service Reform 
Association, in which he laid down with great dis- 
tinctness the general policy which he wished to 
pursue in the matter of removals from office and 
appointments. In this letter the President-elect 
said : 

" That a practical reform in the civil service is 
abundantly established by the fact that a statute 



I 2 S LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

referred to in your communication to secure such 
a result has been passed in Congress with the 
assent of both political parties, and by the further 
fact that a sentiment is generally prevalent among 
patriotic people calling for the fair and honest 
enforcement of the law which has thus been en- 
acted. I regard myself pledged to this, because 
my conception of true Democratic faith and pub- 
lic duty requires that this and all other statutes 
should be in crood faith and without evasion en- 
forced, and because in many utterances made 
prior to my election as President, approved by 
the party to which I belong, and which I have no 
disposition to disclaim, I have in effect promised 
the people that this should be done. 

"I am not unmindful of the fact, to which you 
refer, that many of our citizens fear that the recent 
party changes in the national Executive may 
demonstrate that the abuses which have grown 
up in the civil service are ineradicable. I know 
that they are deeply rooted, and that the spoils 
system has been supposed to be intimately related 
to success in the maintenance of party organiza- 
tion, and I am not sure that all those who profess 
to be the friends of this reform will stand firmly 
among its advocates when they find it obstructing 
their way to patronage and place. 

" But fully appreciating the trust committed to 
my charge, no such consideration shall cause a 
relaxation on my part of an earnest effort to en- 
force the law. 

"There is a class of Government positions which 
are not within the letter of the civil-service statute, 
but which are so disconnected with the policy of 
an Administration that the removal therefrom 



THE PRE PARA TION. I 2 *] 

of present incumbents, in my opinion, should 
not be made during the term for which they 
were appointed solely on partisan grounds, and 
for the purpose of putting in their places those 
who are in political accord with the appointing 
power. 

" But many now holding such positions have 
forfeited all just claim to retention because they 
have used their places for party purposes, in dis- 
regard of their duty to the people, and because, 
instead of being decent public servants, they have 
proved themselves offensive partisans and un- 
scrupulous manipulators of local party manage- 
ment. 

"The lessons of the past should be unlearned, 
and such officials, as well as their successors, 
should be taught that efficiency and fitness and 
devotion to public duty are the conditions of their 
continuance in public place, and that the quiet 
and unobtrusive exercise of individual political 
rights is the reasonable measure of their party 
service. 

"If I were addressing none but party friends, I 
should deem it entirely proper to remind them 
that, though the coming Administration is to be 
Democratic, a due regard for the people's interest 
does not permit faithful party work to be always 
rewarded by appointment to office, and to say to 
them that, while Democrats may expect all proper 
consideration, selections for office not embraced 
within the civil-service rules will be based upon 
sufficient inquiry as to fitness instituted by those 
charged with that duty, rather than persistent 
importunity or self-solicited recommendations on 
behalf of candidates for appointment." 



128 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

THE SILVER LETTER OF 1 885. 

Another element of strength to Mr. Cleveland 
in the exciting campaign which had just closed was 
the general impression of his substantial sound- 
ness on all financial questions, measured by the 
standards of Jefferson, Jackson, and Tilden, and 
by the general acceptance by the people of the 
country after many years of agitation of the dan- 
ger of inflation of a currency worth less than its 
face. At the time under discussion there was a 
general fear on the part of thoughtful students of 
financial questions that disaster would finally re- 
sult from the compulsory coinage under the law 
of 1878 of a minimum of two millions of silver 
dollars each m'onth. Mr. Cleveland, a short time 
before his inauguration, in a letter under date of 
February 28th, 1885, and addressed to Mr. War- 
ner, a representative from the State of Ohio, and 
others, set forth his views upon this question at 
considerable length and with much positiveness. 
Besides other things, he said : 

" To the Hon. A. y. Warner and others, Members 
of the Forty -eighth Congress. 

" Gentlemen : The letter which I have had the 
honor to receive from you invites, and indeed 
obliges, me to give expression to some grave 
public necessities, although in advance of the 
moment when they would become the objects of 
my official care and partial responsibility. Your 



THE PREPARA TION. I 2 9 

solicitude that my judgment shall have been care- 
fully and deliberately formed is entirely just, and 
I accept the suggestion in the same friendly spirit 
in which it has been made. It is also fully justi- 
fied by the nature of the financial crisis which, 
under the operation of the act of Congress of 
February 28th, 1878, is now close at hand. 

u By a compliance with the requirements of 
that law all the vaults of the Federal Treasury 
have been and are heaped full of silver coins, 
which are now worth less than eighty-five per 
cent, of the gold dollar prescribed as the unit of 
value in section 16 of the act of February 12th, 
1873, and which, with the silver certificates repre- 
senting such coin, are receivable for all public 
dues. Being thus receivable, while also constantly 
increasing in quantity at the rate of $28,000,000 
a year, it has followed of necessity that the flow 
of gold into the Treasury has steadily diminished. 
Silver and silver certificates have displaced and are 
now displacing the gold in the Federal Treasury 
now available for the gold obligations of the United 
States and for redemption of the United States 
notes called ' greenbacks,' if not already en- 
croached upon, is perilously near such encroach- 
ment. 

" These are facts which, as they do not admit of 
difference of opinion, call for no argument. They 
have been forewarned to us in the official reports 
of every Secretary of the Treasury, from 1878 till 
now. They are plainly affirmed in the last De- 
cember report of the present Secretary of the 
Treasury to the Speaker of the present House of 
Representatives. They appear in the official doc- 
uments of this Congress, and in the records of the 



130 LIFE OF GROVER CLEVELAND. 

New York Clearing-house, of which the Treasury 
is a member, and through which the bulk of the 
receipts and payments of the Federal Government 
and country pass. 

"These being the facts of our present condi- 
tion, our danger, and our duty to avert that dan- 
ger, would seem to be plain. I hope that you 
concur with me and with the great majority of our 
fellow-citizens, in deeming it most desirable at the 
present juncture to maintain and continue in use 
the mass of our gold coin, as well as the mass of 
silver already coined. This is possible by a pres- 
ent suspension of the purchase and coinage of 
silver. I am not aware that by any other method 
it is possible. It is of momentous importance 
to prevent the two metals from parting company ; 
to prevent the increasing displacement of gold by 
the increasing coinage of silver; to prevent the 
disuse of gold in the custom-houses of the United 
States in the daily business of the people; to pre- 
vent the ultimate expulsion of gold by silver. 
Such a financial crisis as these events would cer- 
tainly precipitate, were it now to follow upon so 
long a period of commercial depression, would 
involve the people of every city and every State 
in the Union in a prolonged and disastrous trou- 
ble. The revival of business enterprise and pros- 
perity so ardently desired, and apparently so near, 
would be hopelessly postponed. Gold would be 
withdrawn to its hoarding places, and an unpre- 
cedented contraction in the actual volume of our 
currency would speedily take place. 

" Saddest of all, in every workshop, mill, factory, 
store, and on every railroad and farm the wages 
of labor, already depressed, would suffer still fur- 



THE PRE PARA TIOX. r <> , 

ther depression by a scaling down of die purchas- 
ing power of every so-called dollar paid into die 
hands of toil. From these impending calamities, 
it is surely a most patriotic and grateful duty of 
the representatives of the people to deliver them. 
" I am, gentlemen, with sincere respect, your 
fellow-citizen, 

" GROVER CLEVELAND. 
"Albany, February 24th, 1885." 



131. 



THE INAUGURATION, I 35 

The day fixed by law for the inauguration of 
the new President, March 4th, 1885, was the most 
perfect, from an atmospheric point of view, that 
Washington had seen for months. The President- 
elect, accompanied by the Vice-President-elect, 
Mr. Hendricks, and members of the Senate Com- 
mittee appointed to escort them to the Capitol, 
went at about half-past ten o'clock to the White 
House, where President Arthur and the Marshal 
of the district were in waiting. A start was made 
at once, the carriages falling into line in the place 
arranged for them by the Chief Marshal, General 
Henry W. Slocum, of New York. The Regular 
Army, the Marines, the Navy, the Artillery, the 
Marine Band and detachments from the militia of 
several States contributed to swell the procession 
to something like twenty-five thousand men. As 
usual, the ceremonies of inauguration were per- 
formed at the east front of the Capitol, and in 
this case before an audience estimated to number 
one hundred and fifty thousand. Mr. Cleveland 
was dressed in the regulation Prince Albert suit. 
In spep 1 'ng he held his left hand closed behind 
his back, using his right hand for making the cus- 
tomary gestures of the public speaker. He spoke 
without manuscript, as is his wont, and in a clear, 
resonant voice. His self-confidence and compo- 
sure were as marvelous to the hundreds of more 
experienced public men who surrounded him as 
they were novel and yet reassuring to the people 



THE INAUGURATION'. I 35 

The day fixed by law for the inauguration of 
the new President, March 4th, 1885, was the most 
perfect, from an atmospheric point of view, that 
Washington had seen for months. The President- 
elect, accompanied by the Vice-President-elect, 
Mr. Hendricks, and members of the Senate Com- 
mittee appointed to escort them to the Capitol, 
went at about half-past ten o'clock to the White 
House, where President Arthur and the Marshal 
of the district were in waitings. A start was made 
at once, the carriages falling into line in the place 
arranged for them by the Chief Marshal, General 
Henry W. Slocum, of New York. The Regular 
Army, the Marines, the Navy, the Artillery, the 
Marine Band and detachments from the militia of 
several States contributed to swell the procession 
to something like twenty-five thousand men. As 
usual, the ceremonies of inauguration were per- 
formed at the east front of the Capitol, and in 
this case before an audience estimated to number 
one hundred and fifty thousand. Mr. Cleveland 
was dressed in the regulation Prince Albert suit. 
In spep 1 'ng he held his left hand closed behind 
his back, using his right hand for making the cus- 
tomary gestures of the public speaker. He spoke 
without manuscript, as is his wont, and in a clear, 
resonant voice. His self-confidence and compo- 
sure were as marvelous to the hundreds of more 
experienced public men who surrounded him as 
they were novel and yet reassuring to the people 



I -6 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 



u 



of the country. The most important utterances 
of his inaugural address were as follows : 



EXTRACTS FROM THE INAUGURAL, 

"Amid the din of party strife the people's 
choice was made, but its attendant circumstances 
demonstrated anew the strength and safety of a 
government by the people. 

" In each succeeding year it more clearly ap- 
pears that our Democratic principle needs no 
apology, and that in its fearless and faithful ap- 
plication is to be found the surest guaranty of 
ofood orovernment. But the best results in the 
operation of a government wherein every citizen 
has a share largely depend upon a proper limita- 
tion of purely partisan zeal and effort, and a cor- 
rect appreciation of the time when the heat of the 
partisan should be merged in the patriotism of 
the citizen. 

" To-day the Executive branch of the govern- 
ment is transferred to new keeping, but this is 
still the government of all the people, and it 
should be none the less an object of affectionate 
solicitude. At this hour the animosities of polit- 
ical strife, the bitterness of partisan defeat, and 
the exultation of partisan triumph should be sup- 
planted by an ungrudging aquiescence in the 
popular will, and a sober, conscientious concern 
for the general weal. 

" Moreover, if from this hour we cheerfully and 
honestly abandon all sectional prejudice and dis- 
trust, and determine with manly confidence in one 
another to work out harmoniously the achieve- 
ments of our national destiny, we shall deserve to 



THE INA UG URA T10N. I 3 7 

realize all the benefits which our happy form of 
government can bestow ; on this conspicuous oc- 
casion we may well renew the pledge of devotion 
to the Constitution, which, launched by the found- 
ers of the Republic and consecrated by their 
prayers and patriotic devotion, has for almost a 
century borne the hopes and the aspirations of a 
great people through prosperity and peace, and 
through the foreign conflicts and the perils of do- 
mestic strife and vicissitudes. 

"By the Father of his Country our Constitution 
was commended for adoption, as ' the result ol 
a spirit of amity and mutual concession.' In that 
same spirit it should be administered, in order to 
promote the lasting welfare of the country, and to 
secure the full measure of its priceless benefits to 
us and to those who will succeed to the blessings 
of our national life. The large variety of diverse 
and competing interests subject to Federal 
control, persistently seeking the recognition of 
their claims, need give us no fear that the great- 
est (rood to the greatest number will fail to beac- 
complished, if in the halls of the National Legis- 
lature that spirit of amity and mutual concession 
shall prevail in which the Constitution had its 
birth. 

" If this involves the surrender or postpone- 
ment of private interests, the sacrifice of local van- 
tages, compensation will be found in assurance 
that thus the minor interest is subserved and 
the general welfare advanced." 

ADVISERS OF THE EXECUTIVE. 

It was not until the next day after the inaugu- 
ration ceremonies that the curiosity of the country 



T ->g LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

concerning the Cabinet was officially gratified. 
Thomas F. Bayard, Secretary of State, had seen 
lonor service in the Senate from the State of Dela- 
ware, and had attained such prominence that he 
had been voted for in three National Conventions 
as a candidate for President. His nature was 
conservative; his mind was trained to politics from 
early manhood by a close study of our system of 
government. He had taken high rank as a law- 
yer, both in the practice of his profession and in 
legal arguments before that august body, the 
Senate of the United States. His appointment 
as Secretary of State gave general satisfaction 
because of the known dignity of his character, 
his conservatism, and his lack of those fiery and 
impractical qualities which distinguish demagogues 
and men of so-called " magnedsm." His career 
in the State Department has justified the hopes of 
his friends and confounded his enemies. 

The man selected for that most important and 
difficult office, Secretary of the Treasury, was 
Daniel Manning, of the State of New York. He 
was a man whose career illustrated the genius of 
our institutions better, perhaps, than that of any 
one who ever occupied that office. A memberof a 
worthy family in his native State of New York, 
he was early apprenticed to learn the trade of 
printer in the office of the Argus at Albany. Here 
his industry, his unfailing good sense, and his 
energy gave him the opportunities he needed. 




THOMAS F. BAYARD, SECRETARY OF STATE. 



THE INAUGURATION. \ 41 

As a result he rose rapidly through different 
grades of the business and editorial departments 
of the paper until he became its editor and 
owner. With business prosperity he had also 
entered into the banking business, and thus turned 
his attention to the. study of financial questions. 
Always active in politics, he rose with each step 
of his business and professional advancement in 
the councils of his party, until, as Chairman of the 
State Committee, in the first Democratic State of 
the Union, he became the Warwick who made 
Governors and Presidents without subjecting 
himself to the charge of beinof a " boss " — that 
great bugbear of the modern prudes of politics. 
He had early recognized the qualities of Mr. 
Cleveland, both practical and available, and he 
was the earnest and successful leader in direct- 
ing his nomination for President, as well as a 
potent factor in securing his election. His 
career as Secretary of the Treasury was, taking 
its brevity into consideration, the most brilliant 
in the history of the United States ; and when, 
after less than two years service, he was com- 
pelled to resign because of impaired health, he 
retired with universal respect and admiration of 
his countrymen, and when he died, early in the 
present year, he was as sincerely mourned as a 
loss to our politics as if he had been for many 
years one of the leading figures in shaping the 
policies of a great nation. 



142 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

For Attorney-General the President selected 
Augustus H. Garland, of Arkansas. One of the 
ablest lawyers of his State, he had been its Gover- 
nor in the troublous times of the carpet-baggers, 
which so tried the souls of honest men, and he 
had rendered conspicuous service in ridding his 
State and section of these human pests. His 
service in the Senate of the United States had de- 
monstrated his attainments as a lawyer, his 
patriotism and honesty as a man, and his useful- 
ujss as a legislator. 

To William C. Whitney, of the State of New 
York, was confided the difficult task of taking 
the Navy Department and of redeeming it lrom 
reproach. He was the youngest man in the 
Cabinet, but he had done conspicuous work lor 
the cause of eood government in the State and 
city of New York ; and as corporation counsel 
of that great municipality he had shown the energy 
and executive efficiency which in his present 
larger sphere have made his department clean 
and respectable. The success attending his 
efforts to restore the navy on sound business 
principles has justified the confidence reposed in 
him by President Cleveland ; and the present 
political " solidity " of New York vindicates the 
wisdom of the daring experiment of taking two 
Cabinet officers from a single State. 

For Secretary of War, William C. Endicott, 
who had seen judicial service in his native State 











AUGUSTUS H. GARLAND. 



THE INAUGURATION. \ 45 

of Massachusetts, was selected. He was the 
least known of the members of the new Cabinet: 
but the absence of scandal and the preservation 
of discipline in his department show his honesty 
and ability. 

'1 he Post-Office Department is in many re- 
spects the mo. t important and most difficult port- 
folio in the Cabinet of the President. Its subor- 
dinates greatly outnumber those of all others 
combined, its efficiency is tested even in the re- 
motest hamlet, and its revenues give it second 
place in rank. Wm. F. Vilas, of Wisconsin, had 
the training of a lawyer who had always been an 
apt and ardent student of politics. He gave close 
attention to every detail of the work in his De- 
partment and rendered excellent service in it 
until his transfer to the head of the Interior De- 
partment in December, 1887. 

L. O. C. Lamar, then a Senator of the United 
States from Mississippi, was chosen as Secretary 
of the Interior. Under his direction, the many 
and serious abuses in his Department were cor- 
rected. He carried out a wise policy of dealing 
with the Indians under which peaceful relations 
have been uniformly maintained since March, 1885; 
he inaugurated reforms in the affairs of the Patent 
Office ; he selected careful and honest men to 
manage the Pension Office and the Agricultural 
Department; lie took firm measures to bring the 
delinquent Pacific Railroads to account, and carried 



THE IN A UG URA TION. I 5 J 

which removals and appointments had been made. 
The President refused to comply with this request, 
holding" that such documents affected considera- 
tions private to himself. After some little delay 
the Senate found that its position was indefensible, 
and quietly receded from it, by confirming the men 
appointed to the offices in question. 

On the whole, however, the people of the coun- 
try sustained the President in his position. There 
was eeneral recognition of the fact that many 
unfriendly incumbents of office had impeded the 
service in order to discredit the new Administra- 
tion ; that others had truckled to the new powers 
in the hope that their sudden zeal might hide 
their cowardice and inefficiency; and that still 
others had all of a sudden become great reformers 
when they could no longer prostitute the public 
service to party and selfish ends. The desire of 
the people to see fair play finally triumphed over 
the impatient friends of the President, his imprac- 
ticable supporters who had expected so much, and 
his unscrupulous enemies in the Senate and in 
the minor offices. It was then seen that the 
standard of public service fixed by the new Ad- 
ministration was such a lofty one that no scandal 
had come from the actions of any of the new 
officials, whether in the departments or in the sub- 
ordinate offices ; that the minor places in the de- 
partments at Washington and in the large custom- 
houses and post-offices were filled strictly in obe- 



THE INAUGURATION. 1 49 

head of his profession and the leader of his party 
in Michigan. 

HEADS OF DEPARTMENTS. 

Scarcely less important than the selection of a 
Cabinet of constitutional advisers was the choice 
of men to fill those offices popularly recognized 
as of the second grade, the duties of whose posi- 
tions compel them none the less to study and 
learn the details of their various departments and 
upon whom the President and the heads of de- 
partments must in a large measure depend. 
Among the men thus chosen, and chosen with- 
out mistake, were John Goode, of Virginia, as 
Solicitor-General of the United States. His 
nomination was defeated in a partisan Senate by 
the petty malice of William Mahone, whose ne- 
farious and disgraceful schemes Mr. Goode had 
exposed at every turn, and with just," unsparing 
severity. Another was the lamented and gifted 
Malcolm Hay, of Pennsylvania, whose illness, 
soon after proving fatal, compelled his early res- 
ignation as First Assistant Postmaster-General. 
His successor, A. E. Stevenson, of Illinois, charged 
especially with the selection of fourth-class post- 
masters, by far the most numerous class of* public 
servants, has carried out with conspicuous fidelity 
the policy, the necessity of which became early 
apparent, of making the postal service effective 
by removing the men whose only desire was to 



I50 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

obstruct its operations in order to embarrass the 
new Administration. George A. Jenks, one of 
the foremost lawyers of Pennsylvania, who, as 
counsel for Tildui before the Electoral Commission, 
achieved more reputation in one Congressional 
term than comes to most public men in a lifetime, 
became Assistant Secretary of the Interior, and 
was a terror to the violators of the land and 
other laws with the execution of which he was 
charged. He was finally promoted to be Solici- 
tor-General of the United States. Charles S. 
Fairchild and Judge Isaac H. Maynard, of New 
York, together with ex-Governor Hugh J. Thomp- 
son, of South Carolina, have done good work as 
Assistant Secretaries of the Treasury; while Gen- 
eral William S. Rosecrans, of California, as Reg- 
ister of the Treasury; Conrad N. Jordan, of New 
York, as Treasurer of the United States; Judge 
McCue, of New York, as Solicitor of the Treasury, 
and Milton J. Durham, of Kentucky, as First Comp- 
troller, have rendered service to the Treasury 
and the country in the various positions of trust 
to which they have been called. In the Interior 
Departmentthe veteran soldier, General Joseph E. 
Johnston, of Virginia, has been conspicuous as 
Commissioner of Railroads ; John D. C. Atkins, 
as Indian Commissioner, and Norman J. Coleman, 
as Commissioner of Agriculture, have admlnis- 
tered their important offices, so large as to be of 
the magnitude of and to be called " departments/' 




W. C. ENDICOTT, SECRETARY OF WAR. 



THE INAUGURATION. I 53 

with honesty and efficiency. Scarcely second in 
importance to a Cabinet office is the great Bureau 
of Pensions, which, under the Commissionership 
of General John C. Black, the veteran soldier and 
maimed hero of the Union cause, has been ad- 
ministered with a promptitude, efficiency, econo- 
my of expenditure, and liberality of construction 
unprecedented under Republican administrations. 
Next in the amount of receipts to the customs 
service itself is the system of Internal Revenue, 
which constitutes a department; to the head of 
it the President, with his characteristic sagacity in 
the selection of men, called a vigorous, clear- 
headed, and able executive officer in the person of 
Joseph S. Miller, an ex-Representative in Con- 
gress from West Virginia. 

To the wisdom and fitness of choice displayed 
in these and many other worthy and no less im- 
portant Executive appointments, and to the sin- 
gleness of purpose with which the appointees 
have carried out the President's policies, have 
been largely due the cohesion and success of Mr. 
Cleveland's Administration. 

In the diplomatic service, Edward J. Phelps, 
of Vermont, as Minister to England ; Robert M. 
McLane, of Maryland, as Minister to France ; 
George H. Pendleton, of Ohio, as Minister to 
Germany; George V. N. Lothrop, of Michigan, 
as Minister to Russia; J. B. Stallo, of Ohio, as 
Minister to Italy ; Richard B. Hubbard, as Minis- 



154 LIFE 0F G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

ter to Japan ; and Thomas M. Waller, of Connect- 
icut, as Consul-General to London, are only some 
of the principal appointments to a branch of the 
service of which not a single member has reflected 
discredit or dishonor upon his country or the 
Administration. 

During the first year of his administration Pres- 
ident Cleveland was subjected to considerable 
criticism in his own party, and to malignant mis- 
representation from without, because of his rigid 
adherence to the civil-service reform policy which 
he had set out to establish and maintain. Many 
of the less thoughtful members of his own party 
made the complaint that he did not proceed rap- 
idly enough in the work of making removals. On 
the other hand, some of his independent support- 
ers were inclined to forget that he was confronted 
by " a condition, not a theory," and made loud 
outcry each time some cringing incumbent of an 
office was removed that the President was forget- 
ting his pledges. Still another class of complaints 
came from Republicans, both in office and out. 
There was general resentment on the part of 
these people at the audacity which would deprive 
them of what they had come to believe was a 
vested right to hold office ; consequently, early in 
the session of the Forty-ninth Congress, the 
Senate, under the lead of Mr. Edmunds, of Ver- 
mont, set up the claim, hitherto never advanced, 
that that body was entitled to the " papers ' upon 




WILLIAM F. VILAS, SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR. 



2WE INAUGURATION. 



J 57 



which removals and appointments had been made. 
The President refused to comply with this request, 
holding" that such documents affected considera- 
tions private to himself. After some little delay 
the Senate found that its position was indefensible, 
and quietly receded from it, by confirming the men 
appointed to the offices in question. 

On the whole, however, the people of the coun- 
try sustained the President in his position. There 
was general recognition of the fact that many 
unfriendly incumbents of office had impeded the 
service in order to discredit the new Administra- 
tion ; that others had truckled to the new powers 
in the hope that their sudden zeal might hide 
their cowardice and inefficiency; and that still 
others had all of a sudden become great reformers 
when they could no longer prostitute the public 
service to party and selfish ends. The desire of 
the people to see fair play finally triumphed over 
the impatient friends of the President, his imprac- 
ticable supporters who had expected so much, and 
his unscrupulous enemies in the Senate and in 
the minor offices. It was then seen that the 
standard of public service fixed by the new Ad- 
ministration was such a lofty one that no scandal 
had come from the actions of any of the new 
officials, whether in the departments or in the sub- 
ordinate offices ; that the minor places in the de- 
partments at Washington and in the large custom- 
houses and post-offices were filled strictly in obe- 



1-3 LTFE 0F G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

dience to the civil-service law; that there were no 
glaring instances in which officials had used their 
places to do political wrongs, and that, as a whole, 
the public service of the United States had never 
been in better condition. For the first time, a 
substantial advance had been made in genuine 
civil-service reform, and the President's victory 
was secured without the alienation of any influen- 
tial element of his own party, and without violating 
any obligation, express or implied, which he took 
upon himself in becoming its candidate. In the 
years to follow, the wisdom of his policy was to 
be more fully tested and more emphatically ap- 
proved. 

In the death, on the 25th of November, 1885, of 
thehonored statesman, Thomas A. Hendricks, Vice- 
President of the United States, the new Demo- 
cratic circle was first broken. From his earliest 
manhood, even before he reached his majority, he 
had upheld the standard of his party, and incul- 
cated such a lofty patriotism that he had never 
done aught which could be construed as inimical 
to the interests of his country. The highest 
honors were paid to his memory. The President, 
immediately upon the receipt of the sad tidings 
of his death, issued a proclamation to the country, 
recounting his services and directing that the 
various branches of the Government should pay 
the customary tributes of respect to his memory. 




*M& 



m 





V. 

> 

r 





CHAPTER XI. 

THE PRESIDENT AND CONGRESS. 

MESSAGES TO THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE PEOPLE — TARIFF REVISION 
AND OTHER REFORMS. 

N the first Monday in December, 1885, 
the Forty-ninth Congress met, and 
President Cleveland transmitted his first 
annual message. He adverted feelingly in its 
opening sentences to the death of Vice-President 
Hendricks, and paid a warm tribute to his mem- 
ory. He discussed with much fullness all the 
leading questions which affected the country, and 
with general public acceptance. Among the 
issues which have since become of great import- 
ance were the enactment of laws to prevent the 
collection of a surplus revenue, the retention of 
the public lands for actual settlers, and the reform 
of the abuses which had crept into the civil 
service. On the reduction of taxation his views 
were so clear and conscientious upon the one 
issue, which he has since projected into import- 
ance, that his conclusions are given at length: 

"The fact that our revenues are in excess of 
the actual needs of an economical administration 
of the Government, justifies a reduction in the 

161 



j 5 2 L IFE 0F GR ° VER CL E V^LA ND. 

amount exacted from the people for its support. 
Our Government is but the means established by 
the will of a free people by which certain princi- 
ples are applied which they have adopted for their 
benefit and protection ; and it is never better ad- 
ministered and its true spirit is never better ob- 
served than when the people's taxation for its 
support is scrupulously limited to the actual 
necessity of expenditure, and distributed accord- 
ing to a just and equitable plan. 

" The proposition with which we have to deal 
is the reduction of the revenue received by the 
Government, and indirectly paid by the people 
from customs duties. The question of free trade 
isnotinvolved,noris there now any occasion for the 
general discussion of the wisdom or expediency 
of a protective system. Justice and fairness dic- 
tate that in any modification of our present laws 
relating to revenue, the industries and interests 
which have been encouraged by such laws, and in 
which our citizens have large investments, should 
not be ruthlessly injured or destroyed. We should 
also deal with the subject in such a manner as to 
protect the interests of American labor, which is 
the capital of our workingmen ; its stability and 
proper remuneration furnish the most justifiable 
pretext for a protective policy. 

" Within these limitations a certain reduction 
should be made in our customs revenue. The 
amount of such reduction having been determined, 
the inquiry follows, where can it best be remitted 
and what articles can best be released from duty, 
in the interests of our citizens? I think the re- 
duction should be made in the revenue derived 
from a tax upon the imported necessaries of life. 



THE PRESIDENT AND CONGRE r ^^ 

We thus directly lessen the cost of living- in every 
family of the land, and release to the people in 
every humble home a larger measure of the re- 
wards of frugal industry." 

CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM. 

Having announced his devotion to a genuine 
reform of the civil-service abuses in his letter of 
acceptance, in various letters and speeches during 
the campaign, and in his first inaugural address, 
he took occasion to emphasize anew his position 
in the following language : 

"I am inclined to think that there is no senti- 
ment more general in the minds of the people of 
our country, than a conviction of the correctness 
of the principle upon which the law enforcing civil- 
service reform is based. ::: * ;|: Experience in 
its administration will probably suggest amend- 
ment of the methods of its execution, but I venture 
to hope that we shall never again be remitted to the 
system which distributes public positions purely 
as rewards for partisan service. Doubts may well 
be entertained whether our Government could 
survive the strain of a continuance of this system, 
which upon every change of Administration in- 
spires an immense army of claimants for office to 
lay siege to the patronage of Government, en- 
grossing the time of public officers with their im- 
portunities, spreading abroad the contagion of 
their disappointment, and filling the air with the 
tumult of their discontent. 

"The allurements of an immense number of 
offices and places, exhibited to the voters of the 



1 64 



LIFE OF G HOVER CLEVELAND. 



land, and the promise of their bestowal in recog- 
nition of partisan activity, debauch the suffrage 
and rob political action of its thoughtful and de- 
liberative character. The evil would increase 
with the multiplication of offices consequent upon 
our extension, and the mania for office-holding, 
growing from its indulgence, would pervade our 
population so generally that patriotic purpose, the 
support of principle, the desire for the public good, 
and solicitude for the nation's welfare, would be 
nearly banished from the activity of our party 
contests and cause them to degenerate into io-no- 
ble, selfish, and disgraceful struggles for the pos- 
session of office and public place. Civil-service 
reform enforced by law came none too soon to 
check the progress of demoralization. One of its 
effects, not enough regarded, is the freedom it 
brings to the political action of those conservative 
and sober men who, in fear of the confusion and 
risk attending an arbitrary and sudden change in 
all the public offices with a change of party rule, 
cast their ballots against such a chance. 

" Parties seem to be necessary, and will lonqr 
continue to exist ; nor can it be now denied that 
there are legitimate advantages, not disconnected 
with office-holding, which follow party supremacy. 
While partisanship continues bitter and pro- 
nounced, and supplies so much of motive to senti- 
ment and action, it is not fair to hold public offi- 
cials, in charge of important trusts, responsible for 
the best results in the performance of their duties, 
and yet insist that they shall rely, in confidential 
and important places, upon the work of those not 
only opposed to them in political affiliation, but so 
steeped in partisan prejudice and rancor that they 



THE PRESIDENT AND CONGRESS. j £ - 

have no loyalty to their chiefs and no desire for 
their success. Civil-service reform does not ex- 
act this, nor does it require that those in subor- 
dinate positions who fail in yielding their best ser- 
vice, or who are incompetent, should be retained 
simply because they are in place. The whining of 
a clerk discharged for indolence or incompetency, 
who, though he gained his place by the worst pos- 
sible operation of the spoils system, suddenly 
discovers that he is entitled to protection under 
the sanction of civil-service reform, represents 
an idea no less absurd than the clamor of the 
applicant who claims the vacant position as his 
compensation for the most questionable party 
work. 

"The civil-service law does not prevent the dis- 
charge of the indolent or incompetent clerk, but 
it does prevent supplying his place with the 
unfit party worker. Thus, in both these phases, 
is seen benefit to the public service. And the 
people who desire good government having se- 
cured this statute, will not relinquish its benefits 
without protest. Nor are they unmindful of the 
fact that its full advantages can onlv be o-ained 
through the complete good faith of those having 
its execution in charge. And this they will insist 
upon." 

THE PUBLIC LANDS. 

Since the advent of the present Administration 
the policy of preserving the public lands for actual 
settlers has been consistently carried out. Closely 
allied with this policy has been the restoration of 
unearned lands granted to railroads to the public 



j 56 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVEIAND. 

domain. The President had given careful atten- 
tion to the question and thus announced his con- 
clusions : 

" It is not for the ' common benefit of the 
United States ' that a large area of the public 
lands should be acquired, directly or through 
fraud, in the hands of a single individual. The 
Nation's strength is in the people. The Nation's 
prosperity is in their prosperity. The Nation's 
glory is in the equality of her justice. The 
Nation's perpetuity is in the patriotism of all her 
people. Hence, as far as practicable, the plan 
adopted in the disposal of the public lands should 
have in view the original policy, which encouraged 
many purchasers of these lands for homes, and 
discouraged the massing of laro-e areas. Exclu- 
sive of Alaska, about three-fifths of the national 
domain has been sold or subjected to contract or 
grant. Of the remaining two-fifths a consider- 
able portion is either mountain or desert. A 
rapidly increasing population creates a growing 
demand for homes, and the accumulation of 
wealth inspires an eager competition to obtain 
the public land for speculative purposes. In the 
future this collision of interests will be more 
marked than in the past, and the execution of 
the Nation's trust in behalf of our settlers will be 
more difficult. I therefore commend to your 
attention the recommendations contained in the 
report of the Secretary of the Interior with refer- 
ence to the repeal and modification of certain of 
our land laws. 

"The nation has made princely grants and 
subsidies to a system of railroads projected as 



THE PRESIDENT AND CONGRESS. 



167 



great national highways to connect the Pacific 
States with the East. It has been charged that 
these donations from the people have been di- 
verted to private gain and corrupt uses, and thus 
public indignation has been aroused and suspi- 
cion engendered. Our great nation does not 
begrudge its generosity, but it abhors peculation 
and fraud; and the favorable regard of our 
people for the great corporations to which these 
grants were made can only be revived by a 
restoration of confidence, to be secured by their 
constant, unequivocal, and clearly manifested 
integrity. A faithful application of the undimin- 
ished proceeds of the grants to the construction 
and perfecting of their roads, an honest discharge 
of their obligations, and entire justice to all the 
people in the enjoyment of their rights on these 
highways of travel, are all the public asks, and it 
will be content with no less. To secure these 
things should be the common purpose of the 
officers of the Government, as well as of the 
corporations. With this accomplishment, pros- 
perity would be permanently secured to the roads, 
and national pride would take the place of na- 
tional complaint." 

With the same object in view, he interposed his 
veto to maintain the lands of the Indian tribes free 
from invasion by railroads without the consent of 
the tribes, thus protecting the wards of the nation 
from the exactions of corporations. 

Wherever an attempt has been made by Con- 
gress to surrender any of the rights of Indian 
tribes by giving away privileges to their lands, 



j 53 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

President Cleveland has interposed his veto to 
prevent, or has suggested the insertion of new and 
additional safeguards for the better protection of 
their rights. 

PROTECTING THE SETTLERS, 

During the early part of the year 1887, the 
Northern Pacific Railroad Company undertook to 
enforce with much severity certain litigation with 
men who had settled on certain lands afterward 
found to lie within the limits of indemnity lands 
to be selected by the Company for making up any 
deficiencies in the lands granted to it by Congress. 
Among these cases was that of Guilford Miller. 
He claimed that he had settled upon the land in 
1878, and that he had cultivated the same under 
the homestead law until 1884, when he claimed 
title. The case was referred to the Attorney- 
General, who, upon its strictly technical and legal 
aspects, decided against the settler. All the 
papers were, at his request, turned over to the 
President, who examined them with the great 
care and comprehensive industry which has usually 
distinguished his examination of such cases, both 
as Governor and President. On April 25th, 1887, 
he addressed a notable letter to the Secretary of 
the Interior, suggesting a method of settlement, 
which, while not interfering with the rights of Mil- 
ler, would also permit the railroad to select an 
equal amount of land from some contiguous por- 



THE PRESIDENT AND CONGRESS. j 5^ 

tion of the public domain to indemnify it for this 
loss. In other words, the President sought a way 
to decide the matter upon the equities of the case, 
in such a way, as he expressed it, "as to protect 
this settler from hardship and loss/' 

In the course of his letter he laid down the fol- 
lowing as settling the policy he would pursue : 

"There seems to be no evidence presented 
showing how much, if any, of this vast tract is ne- 
cessary for the fulfillment of the grant to the rail- 
road company, nor does there appear to be any 
limitation of the time within which this fact should 
be made known and the corporation obliged to 
make its selection. After a lapse of fifteen years 
this large body of the public domain is still held 
in reserve, to the exclusion of settlers, for the 
convenience of a corporate beneficiary of the 
Government, and awaiting its selection, though it 
is entirely certain that much of this reserved land 
can never be honestly claimed by said corpora- 
tion. Such a condition of the public lands should 
no longer continue. So far as it is the result of 
executive rules and methods, these should be 
abandoned, and so far as it is a consequence of 
improvident laws, these should be repealed or 
amended. 

"Our public domain is our national wealth, the 
earnest of our growth and the heritage of our 
people. It should promise limitless development 
and riches, relief to a crowding population, and 
homes to thrift and industry. These inestimable 
advantages should be jealously guarded, and a 
careful and enlightened policy on the part of the 



I JO LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

Government should secure them to the people. 
In the case under consideration I assume that 
there is an abundance of land within the area 
which has been reserved for indemnity, in which 
no citizen or settler has a legal or equitable inter- 
est, for all purposes of such indemnification to 
this railroad company, if its grant has not already 
been satisfied." 

During the year 1886 an executive proclama- 
tion was issued, directing the removal of the fences 
by which large sections of the public domain in the 
ranch sections of the country were inclosed. This 
had become one of the most serious of abuses. 
Men who had gained the personal or the party favor 
of men in power had been permitted to fence in 
great tracts of public land, and they had success- 
fully defied all attempts at their removal. But 
from the day that President Cleveland issued his 
order the fences began to come down, and since 
that time thousands of acres of land have thus 
been thrown open for the actual settler. 

By the action of the President and Secretary of 
the Interior, about 20,000,000 acres of land not 
crranted to railroads by Congress, but withdrawn 
from settlement as indemnity lands to await the 
convenience of railroad companies, were restored 
to the public domain and thrown open to settle- 
ment. Thousands of homes are being made by 
settlers on these lands. In the Forty-seventh 
Congress the Republicans were in full possession 



THE PRESIDENT AND CONGRESS. I y \ 

of both branches of Congress, and not one rail- 
road land grant was forfeited. In the Forty- 
eighth and Forty-ninth Congresses the Demo- 
cratic party controlled the House of Representa- 
tives, and these Congresses passed laws restoring 
50,000,000 acres of unearned railroad land grants 
to the public domain. With scarcely an exception 
these bills passed the House before the Senate 
considered them. The Republican Senate passed 
no forfeiture bill that the House did not pass, but 
the House passed bills forfeiting 38,000,000 acres 
of grants that the Republican Senate did not pass, 
and the House Committee on Public Lands made 
favorable reports on bills to forfeit grants amount- 
ing to 12,000,000 or 13,000,000 more. 

VETOING LOG-ROLLING SCHEMES. 

Another class of questions which early attracted 
President Cleveland's attention was that of appro- 
priations for public buildings. It has long been 
a recognized scandal to the name of Congress 
that such measures are passed by a system known 
as log-rolling, or members of Congress or State 
delegations voting for an appropriation for a like 
favor to be given in return. The President early 
in his administration set his face consistently 
against this policy, and has carried it out to its 
logical results by interposing his veto of such ap- 
propriations where the interest or the sum pro- 
posed to be expended largely exceeded the rent 



172 LIFE OF GROVE R CLEVELAND. 

paid for public buildings, always taking into con- 
sideration all the elements of the case, such as 
the presence or absence of Federal courts, of 
internal revenue offices, and of such conditions 
as would promote the best interests of the local- 
ity in question. By judicious adherence to this 
policy he has saved large sums of money, and 
saved the country from the dangers which would 
follow the bad precedent otherwise set to future 
legislators and Presidents. 

He has also interposed the veto power in the 
matter of the private claims so persistently lobbied 
through Congress, insisting that the laws as ad- 
ministered by the courts are generally ample to 
protect the rights of individuals when dealing 
with the Government. He has done much by 
this course to promote the growth of a healthy 
public sentiment which shall demand the reference 
of all such claims to the regular Federal courts 
and to the Court of Claims for adjudication and 
settlement. 

During the second session of the Forty-ninth 
Congress a bill was passed creating an Inter- 
State Commerce Commission, and granting it 
certain powers to prohibit discrimination in rates 
of carrying of passengers and freight. The bill 
was at once signed by the President and a most 
efficient Commission appointed for the purpose 
of carrying its provisions into effect. Of this 
Commission Thomas M. Cooley, of Michigan, one 



THE PRESIDENT AND CONGRESS. I ~ \ 

t - 

of the ablest jurists in the country, was elected 
Chairman. The law was universally accepted by 
both the people and the railroads with good re- 
sults. 

■ 

The Pacific Railroads having asked for an ex- 
tension of the time granted them by the Thur- 
man Act for making settlement with the Govern- 
ment, an act was passed authorizing the appoint- 
ment of a Commission vested with full power to 
investigate the question in all its bearings. This 
Commission was appointed by President Cleve- 
land, and the majority reported in favor of certain 
rigid assertions of right on the part of the Gov- 
ernment as well as in favor of orrantino- cer-» 

o o 

tain concessions. Under this report the money 
advanced by the Government would be secured, 
and at the same time the companies would be 
granted such a reasonable extension of time as 
would enable them to fully carry out their ob- 
ligations to the Government, without undue im- 
pairment of their resources or injury to the section 
of country dependent upon them for the promo- 
tion of its interests. The President sent this re- 
port to Congress with favorable recommendations, 
but insisted that the rights of the Government 
should be protected by adequate safeguards. 

Thus at every turn have President Cleveland 
and his advisers shown a careful regard for the 
interests of the people, and a determination to 
carry out the laws enacted to secure those inter- 



1^4 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

ests. No demagoguery has disfigured these whole- 
some efforts to promote the public welfare. No 
crusade against property of any kind has been in- 
dulged in, and no attempt has been made to array 
one class of men against another. 

o 

OUR FOREIGN RELATIONS. 

At the first session of the Fiftieth Congress 
the President sent to the Senate a treaty just con- 
cluded with the Emperor of China, by which all 
classes of Chinese excluded from this country 
under our laws were upon a complete and full 
understanding with China to be excluded during 
a term of twenty years. The Administration had 
been able to negotiate this most desirable treaty 
because of its liberal policy in dealing with com- 
pensations paid to the Government of China as 
damages for certain outrages perpetrated upon a 
number of inoffending Chinese in the Territory 
of Wyoming. But partisan feeling was so strong 
in the Senate that a change of a single word was 
made in the treaty, thus rendering it necessary to 
return it to China for ratification. The treaty se- 
cured everything which the Government of the 
United States had sought to accomplish by law, 
and made the term of exclusion long enough to 
turn the tide of Chinese immigration permanently 
away from our shores. 

In his first annual message the President di- 
rected attention sharply to the condition of the 



THE PRESIDENT AND CONGRESS. I 75 

law relating to the Presidential succession, with 
the result that bills which had long been pending 
without ability to command support in both 
houses of Congress were taken up and passed 
into a law which was eminently satisfactory to 
public sentiment, and under the operation of which 
the Presidential succession descends from the 
elected Vice-President to the Cabinet officers, be- 
ginning with the Secretary of State, and not to 
the President pro tern, of the Senate. 

Approval was given to a law designed to check 
the manufacture and sale of products fraudulently 
sold as butter, known as the Oleomargarine Bill, 
the President going extensively into his reasons 
for signing- the bill. 

During the first session of the Forty-ninth 
Congress President Cleveland sent a special mes- 
sage to Congress recommending legislation look- 
ing toward a peaceful settlement by arbitration of 
disputes between laboring men and their em- 
ployers. His recommendations were carefully 
drawn, and the narrow constitutional authority of 
Congress over the question was enforced; but it 
showed the President's interest in such questions 
and his anxiety to do whatever lay in his power 
to promote an object so worthy the attention of all 
thoughtful and philanthropic men. 

This review of the principal acts of the Ad^ 
ministration, brief as it is, is still sufficient to show 
that every question has been approached with a 



176 



LIFE OF GROVE R CLEVELAND. 



desire and determination to act with promptness, 
intelligence, and vigor on all questions affecting 
the interests of the public. There has been no 
cringing to corporations on the one hand and no 
injustice has been done to them, on the other, 
having purely partisan or political ends in view. 
The rights of our people in foreign countries and 
in commerce have been upheld in a manly and 
straightforward manner, with determination to 
exact what was right, but without bluster or 
bravado. The public service has been clean and 
honest, so that " public office " has indeed been 
deemed a "public trust." Whether from the 
standpoint of the patriot or the partisan of the 
President, his Administration has fairly justified 
itself, and it has a right to appeal with confidence 
to the country. 

In nothing has the Administration served its 
party and the country better than in demon- 
strating the utter groundlessness of the fears — 
honestly felt in some quarters and pretended in 
others — that a change of parties in control of the 
Government threatened disaster to the business 
interests of the country. The conservative but 
firm policy of the President and his Cabinet in 
all matters touching the relations of the Govern- 
ment with business have inspired confidence in 
the Administration and disarmed those who have 
been wont to " indict a whole party" for cherish- 
ing destructive purposes. The great commercial 







L. Q. C. LAMAR. 



THE PRESIDENT AND CONGRESS. I 79 

centres of the land have been quick to respond 
to every occasion with expressions of their con- 
fidence in the President and his party. The 
Democracy enters upon the Presidential cam- 
paign of 1888 without any of the distrust attaching 
to it as an organization by which so many of the 
independent voters in former years seem to have 
been affected ; and every promise is given in the 
situation, as it stands, of accessions to the sup- 
port of Cleveland and Thurman from elements 
which have hitherto withheld themselves from the 
Democracy. 



CHAPTER XII. 

COURTSHIP, MARRIAGE, AND DOMESTIC LIFE. 

WHILE there has never been any ten- 
dency -in the United States to imitate 
the court customs of European coun- 
tries, interest has always been strong in the 
domestic life of our public men, and especially of 
those called to the Presidency. While the majority 
of these have been drawn from the average plain 
life of the plain people of the country, our history 
does not present a single case in which the men 
elected President, or who succeeded as Vice- 
Presidents, were not of gentlemanly social aspect, 
and their families, if they had them, did not do the 
honors of the White House with credit to them- 
selves and to their country. 

Only*twice in the history of the country have 
our Presidents been bachelors, and, curiously 
enough, these were James Buchanan, the last 
Democratic President chosen before the fatal di- 
vision which sundered the party in i860, and 
Grover Cleveland, the first with whom it was to 
regain power in 1884, after twenty-four years of 
exclusion. Jackson's wife died a few months be- 
fore his accession to office. Tyler, Johnson, and 
1 So 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE. j 3 r 

Arthur were widowers when they entered the 
White House from the Vice-Presidency in suc- 
cession to their superiors, who had died or had 
been assassinated in office. Tyler was the only 
one who had remarried while in office, though not 
in the White House itself. So that while there 
had been marrying and giving in marriage in the 
Executive residence, they had been of the sons 
and grandsons, or the daughters and grand- 
daughters, of Presidents or their friends, and not 
of the actual occupants of that historic mansion as 
the Chief Magistrates of the Union. 

When Grover Cleveland was elected President 
he had reached the somewhat mature age of 
forty-seven, and having thus far lived the life of a 
bachelor, he was, not unnaturally, looked upon as 
a confirmed specimen of this class of men, about 
whom their friends are always so deeply and so 
interestingly concerned. Nevertheless, the same 
universal interest attached itself to him and his 
social movements as if he had been a Benedict of 
many years experience. The new President's 
youngest sister, Rose Elizabeth Cleveland, was, 
like himself, unmarried. She was, therefore, 
naturally called to take the position of mistress 
of the White House, in which a vacancy had ex- 
isted for some time, because of the fact that Pres- 
ident Arthur had also been compelled to rely upon 
his sister, Mrs. McElroy, to fill this place. Miss 
Cleveland filled the duties of this somewhat diffi- 



j 3 2 LIFE 0F G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

cult place with great tact and with general accept 
ance. She was a cultured woman of the most de- 
cided opinions, whose experience as a teacher and 
writer had led her to rely upon herself in the race of 
life. But almost from the beginning it was consid- 
ered, although the President had never given 
any indication that he was a marrying man, he had 
certainly not passed "the marrying age," that some- 
what movable quality which nobody has ever yet 
been able to define with accuracy and acceptation. 
It soon begfan to be noised about that the Pres- 
ident had entered upon a career of love-making, 
and it was not long before he blushingly and bash- 
fully admitted the impeachment. From that time 
public interest, on the old principle enunciated 
by Emerson, that " all the world loves a lover," 
was concentrated upon the domestic affairs and 
advantages of the man who occupied such an ex- 
alted position. He did not appear to cease from 
filing vetoes of bad measures, nor from putting 
an occasional political opponent out and a political 
supporter into a desirable office, which had some- 
thing to do with fixing political responsibility upon 
his administration. Nor did he seem to lose any 
sleep, as it is sometimes alleged that lovers of the 
masculine persuasion are wont to do. He did 
nothing foolish or gushing, as no doubt many 
other accepted lovers of both sexes expected him 
to do ; but in the meantime preparations proceeded 
for the wedding. 



CO UR TSHIP A ND MARRIA GE. 1 § -, 

The gossips were not given much of a chance 
to suggest doubts as to the name and personality 
of the woman who was to become a bride in the 
White House. Miss Frances Folsom, the only 
child and daughter of Oscar Folsom, was an- 
nounced as the young woman who had accepted 
the suit of the President of the United States. 
She had been a friend and intimate of her future 
husband from the earliest years of her childhood. 
Her father was a partner in the practice of his 
profession and a close personal friend and ad- 
viser. He had been killed in an accident with a 
runaway horse in the year 1875, just as his powers 
were at their ripest and his prospects of the best. 
He was a man of genial £ood nature, orenerous 
and open-hearted in his impulses and his life, and 
a devoted husband and father. 

Miss Frances Folsom, called " Frank " before 
her marriage, was born in Buffalo, New York, 
July 2 1 st, 1 864. As a child she attended the French 
Kindergarten of Mme. Brecker, and the quickness 
of apprehension which she then displayed received 
a fuller exemplification when, upon the return of 
the family to Buffalo, she entered the Central 
School, and almost immediately became the pro- 
nounced favorite of both teachers and her fellow- 
pupils. She threw her energies into her studies 
in a way which augured well for her future success 
in whatever field she should elect to occupy, and 
earnest application joined with natural ability to 



184 



LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 



develop character and instill culture. At this 
period Mrs. Folsom boarded in the city of Buffalo, 
and the daughter availed herself of her Central 
School certificate, which admitted her to the 
sophomore class at Wells College without prelimi- 
nary examination. Here again she became a 
prime favorite, and it was during her sojourn at 
this institution that the flowers sent her from 
Albany, and the many evidences of regard which 
the Governor bestowed, began to cause a whisper 
that his attachment amounted to something more 
than mere friendly kindliness. The whisper grew 
into a much more definite utterance when Miss 
Folsom was graduated and was the recipient of 
beautiful floral tributes from the White House 
conservatories. Governor Cleveland had become 
President of the United States, and the fact that 
he was a bachelor, coupled with the other fact that 
his exalted position kept him ever in the bright 
light of public scrutiny, conspired to set many 
tongues wagging as to the possible outcome of 
his acquaintance with the fair graduate, who, in 
June, 1885, said farewell to Alma Mater and went 
tospend the summer, or apart of it, at the residence 
of her grandfather, the late Colonel John B. Fol- 
som, of Folsomdale, Wyoming County, N. Y., two 
miles out of Cowlesville. The old place is a typi- 
cal homestead, possessing all the homely charac- 
teristics of farm-life combined with much of solid 
comfort and refinement. 



BRIDE OF THE WHITE HOUSE. 



CO UR TSHIP A ND MARRIA GE. l 3 y 

Exactly what understanding existed between 
the President and Miss Folsom at the time she 
went abroad may not be definitely known outside 
of the circle immediately interested, but it is 
likely they were betrothed ere her departure. 
Both parties maintained a guarded silence, and 
their engagement escaped parade in the news- 
papers until a date near the time fixed for the 
wedding". 

Little was heard from Miss Folsom until, on 
the 27th of May, 1886, the Red Star steamer 
Noordland, from Antwerp, sailed into the port of 
New York, having just transferred to a United 
States revenue cutter Miss Folsom, her mother, 
and her cousin, Mr. Benjamin Folsom. The 
party came comparatively unannounced. Colonel 
Lamont was present as the President's represen- 
tative. At the oier the bride-elect was welcomed 
by Miss Cleveland, and the party was speedily 
installed at the Gilsey House, where the ladies 
of the Cabinet joined in a reception and kindly 
welcome to the modest and beautiful young 
woman who was soon to make such a stir in 
American society. On Sunday, May 30th, the 
President visited his betrothed in New York. 

Miss Folsom kept herself secluded during her 
stay in the metropolis, but as the wedding day 
had been fixed for the 2d of June, there was much 
social sensation over the event. A wedding in 
the White House was decided upon, and elab- 



i88 



LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 



orate preparations were set on foot. The Execu* 
tive Mansion became a scene of hasty labors on 
the part of upholsterers, decorators, and florists; 
there were crowds of callers, most of whom were 
unsuccessful in seeing the President, who escaped 
much annoyance by driving out to his country 
place, " Pretty Prospect," and turning his visitors 
over to the tender mercies of the doorkeepers. 

By Wednesday, June 2d, the Blue Room, in 
which the ceremony was to take place, had been 
converted into a bower of loveliness. The south 
side was a solid bank of dark-green foliage, against 
which stood out the red and pink and white of 
azaleas and camelias. The fire-places were filled 
with potted plants, while the mantels were nearly 
concealed beneath banks of flowers. The east 
mantel was covered with purple pansies, bor- 
dered with a line of yellow, and fringed with ferns. 
On this purple bed appeared the inscription, 
"June 2d, 1886," in white pansies. On the west 
mantel was a bank of crimson roses, bordered 
with maiden's-hair fern, and bearing the monogram 
"C F." in white moss roses. The mirrors were 
bordered by parti-colored garlands composed of 
roses and other rare flowers. Great palms stood 
on either side of the doorway leading to the main 
hall, and a scroll, composed of pinks and bearing 
the national motto, " E Fluribus Unum" was 
fixed immediately above the centre doorway. 

The East Parlor was decorated differently, 



CO UR TSHIP AND MARRIA GE. x g g 

but with like elegance and taste ; there were 
fewer flowers, but the display of foliage, especially 
rare palms, was exceedingly fine. The Green 
Parlor was comparatively devoid of ornament, 
but the decoration there was in excellent taste 
and in pleasing contrast with the greater elabora- 
tion bestowed upon the other apartments. In 
the dining-room the ornamentation was in general 
similar to that of the East Parlor. Potted plants, 
arranged in pyramids, filled the corners, and roses 
festooned the mirrors. The sideboards were 
covered with rare plants, and a floral piece in the 
centre of the table represented a ship under full 
sail, the national colors flying from her mast-head, 
with a pennant bearing the monogram " C. F." 

It was nearly seven o'clock in the evening when 
the wedding guests assembled in the Blue Room. 
Owing to the President's desire that the affair 
should be as private as possible, the Diplomatic 
Corps had not been invited, and the following 
guests were the only persons present: Mrs. 
Folsom, the mother of the bride ; Rev. W. N. 
Cleveland, the President's brother; Mrs. Hoyt 
and Miss Cleveland, the President's sisters ; Mr. 
Bayard, Secretary of State; Mr. Manning, Secre- 
tary of the Treasury, with Mrs. Manning; Mr. 
Endicott, Secretary of War, with Mrs. Endicott ; 
Mr. Whitney, Secretary of the Navy, with Mrs. 
Whitney ; Mr. Vilas, Postmaster-General, with 
Mrs. Vilas ; Mr. Lamar, Secretary of the Interior; 



TQO LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

Colonel Lamont, Private Secretary, with Mrs. 
Lamont; Benjamin Folsom, Esq. ; Mr. and Mrs. 
Rogers, of Seneca Falls, N. Y. ; Mrs. Caclman 
and Miss Huddleston, of Detroit ; Mr. and Mrs. 
Harmon, of Boston ; Miss Nelson, of New York ; 
W. S. Bissell, Esq., of Buffalo, and Rev. Dr. and 
Mrs. Byron Sunderland. The Attorney-General, 
though invited, was not present, being disinclined 
to society. 

The guests placed themselves in the form of a 
semicircle, Mr. Bayard being at the extreme left 
and Rev. Mr. Cleveland at the extreme right. 

The Marine Band, stationed in the anteroom, 
played the wedding march of Mendelssohn, as 
Rev. Dr. Sunderland took his position at the 
south end of the room, and immediately after the 
bridal party entered. Miss Folsom leaned upon 
the President's arm, looking exceedingly pretty in 
her wedding dress of cream white satin, with high, 
plain corsage, elbow sleeves, and very long train. 
The front breadth just below the waist was draped 
from side to side with soft silk India muslin, at- 
tached on the left side, and nearly joining the 
court train. The muslin was bordered with a 
narrow band of orange flowers and leaves that 
outlined the draping. The train, which was at- 
tached to the plain bodice just below the waist, 
measured over four yards in length, was slightly 
rounded, and fell in full plaits on the floor, with no 
trimming but its own richness. Two scarfs of the 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE. 



*9. 



muslin, starting from the shoulder seams, crossed 
the bosom in Grecian folds and were bordered 
with a narrow band of orange flowers to corres- 
pond with the skirt. The scarfs disappeared 
under a girdle of satin, crossing the bodice from 
left to right. The sleeves were trimmed with folds 
of the mull and two or three orange buds and 
blossoms. The tulle veil, six yards in length, was 
fastened with a coronet of myrtle and o ranee 
blossoms above the high coiffure, its folds lightly 
covering the entire train. The general effect was 
that of exquisite simplicity, suited to the beauty 
of the bride. She wore no jewelry and carried 
no hand-bouquet, but lightly held a beautiful white 
fan. The President wore full evening dress, and 
their bearing was dignified and impressive. They 
were followed by the few guests who were closely 
related to the contracting parties, and as soon as 
the usual hush had fallen upon the assemblage 
Dr. Sunderland offered prayer and followed it 
with the impressive marriage ceremony, the bride 
and groom making response in clear tones. The 
ring was then passed and placed upon the bride's 
finger, and the two were pronounced man and 
wife. The benediction was spoken by Rev. Mr. 
Cleveland. The ceremony occupied ten minutes. 
Rev. Mr. Cleveland came forward first to offer his 
congratulations, and kissed the bride. Upon 
Colonel Lamont's invitation the quests then en- 
tered the dining-room, where a collation was 



I 94 LlFE 0F G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

served. Very elegant white satin boxes contain- 
ing pieces of the wedding cake were distributed 
as souvenirs, the date, June 2d, 1886, being em- 
broidered in colors on the covers. 

Within an hour the President and his wife were 
on their way to the station of the Baltimore and 
Ohio Railway to start for Deer Park, Md., where 
the honeymoon was passed. The time from the 
3d until the 8th of June was spent at this pretty 
resort on the summit of the AlleMienies. On the 
8th the couple returned to Washington and to 
life in the White House. 

One week later, on Tuesday, June 15th, the 
first State reception of the President and Mrs. 
Cleveland took place ; and it was the beginning 
of a series of social engagements, which fullv tested 
the ability of the young mistress of the White 
House to do the arduous duties of her new 
place. Amid blazing lights and blooming flowers, 
to the soft music of orchestra and all the elegant 
accompaniments of society entertainments, Cabi- 
net and diplomatic corps, judiciary, Congress, 
army and navy, the most distinguished men and 
a great array of beautiful and critical women 
were received by the winsome bride and her hus- 
band. Popular receptions followed, when the 
great crowds poured through the White House 
in democratic fashion and greeted her whom all 
were willing to own the first lady of the land ; 
dinners of state and society dinners followed ; 



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CO VR TStilP A ND MA RRIAGE. i 97 

guests were entertained at the White House, and 
its spacious chambers and hospitable board week 
after week welcomed the highest society of the 
capital and of the country at large ; the Cabinet 
ministers and their wives entertained the Presi- 
dential couple, and a season of such social bril- 
liancy was ushered in as Washington had never 
known. In every position and under all circum- 
stances Mrs. Cleveland proved herself a woman 
ot as noble mind as she was acknowledged to be 
of eminent personal beauty and graceful accom- 
plishments. Her courtesy and tact won the hearts 
of men and disarmed the criticism of women. A 
stranger to Washington society, she captivated it 
from the start, and her reign has never ceased 
nor has the influence of her charms waned. 

In appearance, Mrs. Cleveland is tall and grace- 
ful, with soft, dark-brown hair worn loosely drawn 
back from the forehead. Her eyes are violet 
blue, her nose rather large and prominent ; her 
mouth is mobile and of singular beauty, and a dis- 
tinct individuality is imparted to the face by heavy 
eyebrows which nearly meet. 

Mrs, Cleveland has, since her marriage, become 
the most popular, as she is certainly the best- 
known woman, in the United States. In all the 
varied domestic, social, and semi-political duties 
which devolve upon one placed in her position, 
she has never failed to show the instincts, the 
training, and the qualities which especially fitted 



jog LIFE OF GROVE R CLEVELAND. 

her for her rank and position. There has never 
been any desire for display. She has gone freely 
into society with the President and on her own 
account wherever she has been, but this has 
always been done with a modesty and a woman- 
liness which do herself, her sex, and the country 
infinite credit. She has traveled much, generally 
with the President, in his summer jaunts to the 
Adirondacks, and on his revisits to his childhood 
home in Central New York, on his trips to 
Harvard College, throughout the West and South, 
to the Constitutional Centennial Celebration at Phil- 
adelphia, to the joint meeting of the Presbyterian 
General Assemblies of the Northern and Southern 
Churches at Philadelphia, and upon almost every 
other visit of importance which he has made to 
different cities, or to meetings of organizations of 
one kind or another. She is always willing to 
lend her presence to assemblies or meetings for 
religious or moral objects, so that she has shown 
a willingness and a determination to do her duty 
in the station to which she has been temporarily 
called. In every way she has proved herself an 
efficient helpmeet, and remains now what she 
became upon her marriage in June, 1886, a faithful 
wife of an American citizen, called by the will of 
the people of his country to its highest office. 
Occupying such a position, and doing her duty thus 
faithfully, it is not surprising that she has gained 
\ popularity quite as universal as was ever ac- 




THE STATE DINING ROOM. 



THE EAST ROOM. 



CO UR TSHIP AND MARRIA GE. 2 O T 

corded to any mistress of the White House ; and 
our social history has never been illustrated by 
a better example of the true American girl, grow- 
ing at a single step into the highest type of Amer- 
an womanhood, measuring up to its most sacred 
.u ties, and realizing the consecrated joys of our 
purest domestic life. 




CHAPTER XIII. 

THE PRESIDENT'S TOURS THROUGH THE COUNTRY 

TRIP TO RICHMOND VISIT TO HARVARD COLLEGE 

THE GARFIELD ORATION THE CLINTON CENTEN- 
NIAL. 

NE of the most forcible and effective arofii- 
merits used against the election of 
Cleveland in 1884 was his lack of ac- 
quaintance with the country at large — his little ex- 
perience in meeting with the people of the dif- 
ferent sections, his want of sympathy with the 
varied elements which make the composite citizen- 
ship and the vast material greatness of a nation 
of thirtv-eigfht States and of magnificent territorial 
possessions. Devoted to his official duties and 
the arduous concerns of a law practice circum- 
scribed by the boundaries of his own State, he 
had before his inauguration visited Washington 
but once, a casual and unnoticed visitor. He knew 
nothing by personal observation of the great 
physical resources of the rich empire of Pennsyl- 
vania, with its mountains of mineral wealth, its 
blooming fields of agricultural development, its 
blazing coke ovens, and the rich yielding oil and 
gas fields. To the academic halls of New Eng- 
land he was a like stranger. In the South, whose 
plantations were just recovering from the wasting 

202 



THE PRESIDENT'S TOURS. 203 

ravages of war, he had never visited a single 
State. Nor had he ever stood in the busy marts 
of the Great West, each striving for supremacy 
of trade. In that magnificent domain of the 
Mississippi Valley, mostly gained for the country 
by the foresight of the first Democratic President, 
toward the middle of which the centre of popu- 
lation has been with each decennial census 
steadily pressing forward, the foot of the twenty- 
second President had never trod. A natural 
sympathy with the sovereign people — whose ser- 
vant and not their ruler he always avowed him- 
self — and a willingness to gratify the unceasing 
demand that he should come among them, im- 
pelled Mr. Cleveland to arrange a series of visits 
to the different parts of the country. He aimed 
only at those which could be reached without any 
serious interruption of his official duties and in a 
manner that added to and did not detract from 
the invariable dignity which attended his exercise 
of the magisterial functions. During a part of the 
summer of 1886, in that heated term when life is 
rendered uncomfortable in the capital, when Con- 
gressional proceedings are ended and department 
work limited to the merest routine, he betook him- 
self with his bride to the cool fastnesses and the 
fishing grounds of the Adirondacks. Thither this 
narrative need not follow him, though wherever 
they went they were the cynosure of public at- 
tention and the object of journalistic enterprise, if 
not of occasional impertinence. 



204 



LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 



On October 21st, 1886, the President, accom- 
panied by Secretaries Bayard, Endicott, and Vilas, 
for the first time visited Richmond, the capital of 
the "Old Dominion" State, and in historic import- 
ance the first city of the South. All along the 
way to his destination and upon his arrival there 
he was greeted with enthusiastic demonstrations, 
and with the courtesy characteristic of a hospit- 
able and well-bred people. He was welcomed by 
Governor Fitz Hugh Lee in a speech of friendly 
salutation, and upon the grounds of the State 
Fair Mr. Cleveland made felicitous reply. After 
recounting the historic achievements of Virginia 
he said : 

" In our sisterhood of States the leading and 
most commanding place must be gained and kept 
by that Commonwealth which by the labor and in- 
telligence of her citizens can produce most of 
those things which meet the necessities and de- 
sires of mankind. But the full advantage of that 
which may be yielded a State by the toil and 
ingenuity of her people is not measured alone by 
the money value of the product. The efforts and 
the struggles of her farmers and her artisans not 
only create new values in the field of agriculture 
and in the arts and manufactures, but they at the 
same time produce rugged, self-reliant, and inde- 
pendent men, and cultivate that product which 
more than all others ennobles a State — a patriotic, 
earnest American citizenship. 

" This will flourish in every part of the Ameri- 
can domain ; neither drought nor rain -can injure 
it, for it takes root in true hearts enriched by love 



THE PRESIDENT'S TOURS. 205 

of country. There are no new varieties in this 
production ; it must be the same wherever seen, 
and its quality is neither sound nor genuine unless 
it grows to deck and beautify an entire and united 
nation, nor unless it support and sustain the in- 
stitutions and the Government founded to protect 
American liberty and happiness. 

" The present Administration of the Government 
is pledged to return for such husbandry not only 
promises but actual tenders of fairness and justice, 
with equal protection and a full participation in 
national achievements. 

" If in the past we have been estranged, and 
the*cul.tivation of American citizenship has been 
interrupted, your enthusiastic welcome of to-day 
demonstrates that there is an end of such estrange- 
ment, and that the time of suspicion and fear is 
succeeded by an era of faith and confidence. 

" In such a kindly atmosphere and beneath such 
cheering skies I greet the people of Virginia as 
co-laborers in the field where grows the love of 
our united country. 

" God grant that in the years to come Virginia, 
the Old Dominion, the Mother of Presidents, she 
who looked upon the nation at its birth, may not 
only increase her trophies of growth in agricul- 
ture and manufactures, but that she may be 
among the first of all the States in the cultivation 
of true American citizenship." 

AT THE HARVARD CELEBRATION. 

In November, 1886, Harvard College, the old- 
est and most famous seat of the hioher learning 
in America, celebrated with fit ceremony the two 



2o6 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

hundred and fiftieth anniversary of its founding. 
Among those upon whom it would have conferred 
the degree of LL. D. was the President, but he 
declined it. Accompanied by Mrs. Cleveland 
and a number of the members of his official staff, 
he visited Boston and Cambridge upon this occa- 
sion. They were welcomed to the metropolis of 
New England by the Governor of its principal 
Commonwealth and a brilliant street pageant. 
In the halls of learning at Cambridge they lis- 
tened to the poem by that most honored of Ameri- 
can men of letters, Oliver Wendell Holmes ; ^nd 
the splendid oration of his co-worker, who has 
helped so signally to give American literature 
its due recognition the world over, James Rus- 
sell Lowell, concluded with this fine tribute to 
the Chief Magistrate of sixty millions of free 
people : 

" Brethren of the Alumni, it now becomes my 
duty to welcome in your name the guests who 
have come, some of them so far, to share our 
congratulations and hopes to-day. I cannot name 
them all and give to each his fitting phrase. * :;: ::: 
There is also one other name of which it would 
be indecorous not to make an exception. You 
all know that I can mean only the President of 
our Republic. His presence is a signal honor to 
us all, and to us all I may say a personal gratifi- 
cation. We have no politics here, but the sons of 
Harvard all belong to the party which admires 
courage, strength of purpose, and fidelity to duty, 



THE PRESIDENT'S TOURS. 



207 



and which respects, wherever he may be found, 

the 

*Justum ac tenaccm -propositi virum* 

who knows how to withstand 

' Civium ardor prava jube?itiu?n. ' 

He has left the helm of State to be with us here, 
and so long" as it is intrusted to his hands we are 
sure that, should the storm come, he will say with 
Seneca's Pilot, 'O Neptjine! you may save me if 
you will; you may sink me if you will; but what- 
ever happen, I shall keep my rudder true.' " 

At the Alumni banquet, where ex-Attorney- 
General Charles Devens presided, Mr. Cleveland 
made the following address : 

"Mr. President and Gentlemen: 

"I finely myself to-day in a company to which I 
am much unused, and when I see the alumni of 
the oldest college in the land surrounding in 
their right of sonship the maternal board at 
which I am but an invited guest, the reflection 
that for me there exists no alma mater gives rise 
to a feeling of regret which is kindly tempered 
only by the cordiality of your welcome and your 
reassuring kindness. If the fact is recalled that 
only twelve of my twenty-one predecessors in 
office had the advantage of a collegiate or uni- 
versity education, proof is presented of the 
democratic sense of our people rather than an 
argument against the supreme value of the best 
and most liberal education in high public position. 
There certainly can be no sufficient reason for 



20 g LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

any space or distance between the walks of the 
most classical education and the way that leads 
to political place. Any disinclination on the part 
of the most learned and cultured of our citizens to 
mingle in public affairs, and the consequent aban- 
donment of political activity to those who have 
but little regard for the student and scholar in 
politics, are not favorable conditions under a 
government such as ours, and if they have existed 
to a damaging extent very recent events appear 
to indicate that education* and conservatism of the 
land are to be hereafter more plainly heard in ex- 
pression of the popular will. Surely the splendid 
destiny which awaits patriotic effort in behalf of 
our country will be sooner reached if the best of 
our thinkers and educated men shall deem it a 
solemn duty of citizenship to actively and practi- 
cally engage in political affairs, and if the force and 
power of their thought and learning shall be 
willingly or unwillingly acknowledged- in party 
management. If I am to speak of the President 
of the United States, I desire to mention the 
most pleasant and characteristic feature of our 
system of government, the nearness of the 
people to their President and other high officials. 
The close view afforded our citizens of the acts 
and conduct of those to whom they have in- 
trusted their interests serves as a regulator and 
check upon the temptation and pressure of office, 
and is a constant reminder that diligence and 
faithfulness are the measure of public duty, and 
such relations between the President and people 
ought to leave but little room in the popular 
judgment and conscience for unjust and false 
accusations, and for malicious slanders invented 



THE PRESIDENT'S TOURS. 200, 

for the purpose of undermining the people's trust 
and confidence in the administration of their gov- 
ernment. No public officer should desire to check 
the utmost freedom of criticism as to all official 
acts, but every-right-thinking man must concede 
that the President of the United States should not 
be put beyond the protection which America's 
love of fair play and decency accords to every 
American citizen. 

" This trait of our national character would not 
encourage, if their extent and tendency were 
fully appreciated, the silly, mean, and cowardly 
lies that every day are found in the columns of 
certain newspapers which violate every instinct of 
American manliness, and in ghoulish glee dese- 
crate every sacred relation of private life. There 
is nothing in the highest office that the American 
people can confer which necessarily makes their 
President altogether selfish, scheming, and un- 
trustworthy. On the contrary, the solemn duties 
which confront him tending to a sober sense of the 
responsibility, trust of the American people and 
appreciation of their mission among nations of 
the earth, should make him a patriotic man, and 
tales ol distress which reach him from the hum- 
ble and lowly and needy and afflicted in every 
corner of the land cannot fail to quicken within 
him every kind impulse and tender sensibility. 
After all it comes to this. The people of the 
United States have one and all a sacred mission 
to perform, and your President, not more surely 
than any other citizen who loves his country, must 
assume a part of the responsibility of demonstrat- 
ing to the world the success of popular govern- 
ment. No man can hide his talent in a napkin 






2IO LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

and escape condemnation. His slothfulness de- 
serves not to evade the stern sentence which his 
faithlessness invites. 

" Be assured, my friends, that the privileges of 
this day, so full of improvement and enjoyments, 
of this hour, so full of pleasure and cheerful en- 
couragements, will never be forgotten, and in 
parting with you now let me express an earnest 
hope that Harvard's Alumni may always honor 
the venerable institution which has honored them, 
and that no man who forgets or neglects his dutv 
to American citizenship shall find his Alma Mater 
here." 

The stamp of thorough appreciation of high 
culture upon this address ; its graceful recognition 
of the uses of the higher education, and its dicr- 
nified apology for his own deficiencies, won for its 
author approval and commendation in quarters 
where just recognition of his intellectual qualities 
had hitherto been withheld. If the single discor- 
dant note, which detracted somewhat from the art 
of this otherwise masterful speech, excited slight 
resentment, it was universally conceded that the 
President was smarting under deep provocation, 
and spoke with a warmth that was justified by 
every manly impulse. Mankind thinks none the 
less of the impetuous disciple, Simon Peter, be- 
cause he cut off the servant's ear. 

After the college festivities there was accorded 
to him a popular reception at Faneuil Hall and at 
the hotel, and in the evening the University 
students had a great procession. 



THE PRESIDENT'S TOURS. . 21 1 

THE GARFIELD ORATION. 

Another felicitous address of Mr. Cleveland 
was that delivered at the- dedication of the monu- 
ment to President Garfield, erected by the Society 
of the Army of the Cumberland, at the foot of 
the Capitol grounds, on May 12th, 1887. After 
the oration by J. Warren Keifer and other exer- 
cises, the President said : 

" Fellow-Citizens : 

" In performance of the duty assigned to me on 
this occasion, I hereby accept, on behalf of the 
.people of the United States, this completed and 
beautiful statue. 

"Amid the interchange of fraternal oreetino-s be- 
tween the survivors of the Army of the Cumber- 
land and their former foes upon the battlefield, 
and while the Union General and the people's 
President awaited burial, the common grief of 
these magnanimous soldiers and mou minor citizens 
found expression in the determination to erect 
this tribute to American greatness ; and thus to- 
day in its symmetry and beauty, it presents a sign 
of animosities forgotten, an emblem of a brother- 
hood redeemed, and a token of a nation restored. 

"Monuments and statues multiply throughout 
the land, fittingly illustrative of the love and affec- 
tion of our grateful people and commemorating 
brave and patriotic sacrifices in war, fame in 
peaceful pursuits, or honor in public station. 

"But from this day forth, there shall stand at our 
seat of Government this statue of a distinguished 
citizen, who in his life and services combined all 



212 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

those things and more, which challenge aclmira- 
tion in American character — loving tenderness in 
every domestic relation, bravery on the field of 
battle, fame and distinction in our halls of legis- 
lation, and the highest honor and dignity in the 
Chief Magistracy of the nation. 

"This stately effigy shall not fail to teach every 
beholder that the source o'f American greatness 
is confined to no condition, nor dependent alone 
for its growth and development upon favorable 
surroundings. The genius of our national lite 
beckons to usefulness and honor those in every 
sphere, and offers the highest preferment to manly 
ambition and sturdy, honest effort chastened and 
consecrated by patriotic hopes and aspirations. 
As long as this statue stands, let it be proudly re- 
membered that to every American citizen the way 
is open to fame and station, until he — 

" * Moving up from high to higher, 

Becomes on Fortune's crowning slope 
The pillar of a People's hope, 
The centre of a World's desire.' 

"Nor can we forget that it also teaches our 
people a sad and distressing lesson; and the 
thoughtful citizen who views its fair proportions 
cannot fail to recall the tragedy of a death which 
brought grief and mourning to every houshold in 
the land. But while American citizenship stands 
aghast and affrighted that murder and assassina- 
tion should lurk in the midst of a free people 
and strike down the head of their Government, a 
fearless search and the discovery of the origin and 
hiding-place of these hateful and unnatural things, 
should be followed by a solemn resolve to purge 
forever from our political methods and from the 



THE PRESIDENT'S TOURS. 21^ 

operation of our Government, the perversions and 
misconceptions which give birth to passionate and 
bloody thoughts. 

" If from this hour our admiration for the 
bravery and nobility of American manhood and 
our faith in the possibilities and opportunities of 
American citizenship be renewed, if our apprecia- 
tion of the blessing of a restored Union and love 
for our Government be strengthened, and if our 
watchfulness against the dangers of a mad chase 
after partisan spoils be quickened, the dedication 
of this statue to the people of the United States 
will not be in vain." 



AMID THE ASSOCIATIONS OF HIS YOUTH. 

In May, 1887, the short term of the Forty-ninth 
Congress having terminated March 4th, President 
and Mrs. Cleveland set out for the Adirondacks, 
and spent the greater part of the month of June 
at Upper Saranac Lake and other points of inter- 
est in that attractive region. After a return to 
Washington and official duties, Mr. Cleveland re- 
joined his wife about the middle of July, and with 
'Secretary and Mrs. Fairchild and other friends 
they began a series of visits to points in Central 
and Western New York, which had been familiar 
to his boyhood associations and to which his re- 
turn at this time was of peculiar interest because 
of certain historical celebrations then in progress. 

At Fayetteville, N. Y., where he had lived 
eleven of the first fourteen years of his life, in 



214- LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

an address upon the village green to two thousand 
persons gathered to greet him, he spoke most 
tenderly and feelingly of the schoolmates and 
childhood pranks of his early days. At Holland 
Patent, on July 12th; at the Clinton Centennial, 
July 13th ; at Forest Port, July 15th, where he re- 
ceived the citizens at the home of his brother, 
Rev. Wm. N. Cleveland, and at Cazenovia, July 
1 8th, where he was the guest of the Fairchild 
household, he was deeply touched by the gracious 
hospitality and fervent greeting of the family 
friends who had watched his sudden rise to ex- 
alted position and enlarged usefulness with pecu- 
liar local and personal pride. Of all the ad- 
dresses delivered upon this trip the most notable 
was that made at Clinton, than which none of his 
public utterances more clearly reveals the pro- 
found sentiment and domestic traits of the Presi- 
dent. He said: 

"I am by no means certain of my standing here 
amonor those who celebrate the centennial of 
Clinton's existence as a village. My recollections 
of the place reach backward but about thirty-six 
years, and my residence here covered a very brief 
period. But these recollections are fresh and 
distinct to day, and pleasant, too, though not en- 
tirely free from sombre coloring. 

" It was here in the school, at the foot of 
College Hill, that I began my preparation for col- 



THE PRESIDENT'S TOURS. 21 5 

lege life and enjoyed the anticipation of a collegiate 
education. We had but two teachers in our school. 
One became afterward a judge in Chicago and the 
other passed through the legal profession to the 
ministry, and within the last two years was living 
further West. I read a little Latin with two other 
boys in the class. I think I floundered through 
four books of the ' /Eneid.' The other boys had 
nice, large, modern editions of Virgil, with big 
print and plenty of notes to help one over the 
hard places. Mine was a little, old-fashioned copy, 
which my father used before me, with no notes, 
and which was only translated by hard knocks. I 
believe I have forgiven those other boys for their 
persistent refusal to allow me the use of the notes 
in their books. At any rate, they do not seem to 
have been overtaken by any dire retribution, for 
one of them is now a rich and prosperous lawyer 
in Buffalo, and the other is a professor in your 
college and the orator of to-day's celebration. 
The struggles with ten lines of Virgil, which at 
first made up my daily task, are amusing as re- 
membered now ; but with them I am also forced 
to remember that instead of being the beginning 
of the higher education for which I honestly 
longed, they occurred near the end of my school 
advantages. This suggests a disappointment 
which no lapse of time can alleviate, and a de- 
privation I have sadly felt with every passing 
year. 



21 6 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

" I remember Benoni Butler and his store. I 
don't know whether he was an habitual poet or not, 
but I heard him recite one poem of his own man- 
ufacture which embodied an account of a travel 
to or from Clinton in the early days. I can recall 
but two lines of this poem, as follows : 

" * Paris Hill next came in sight, 
And there we tarried over night.' 

" I remember the next-door neighbors, Drs. 
Bissell and Scollard, and good, kind neighbors 
they were, too, not your cross, crabbed kind, who 
could not bear to see a boy about. It always 
seemed to me that they drove very fine horses ; 
and for that reason I thought they must be ex- 
tremely rich. 

" I don't know that I should indulge further rec- 
ollections that must seem very little like centen- 
nial history, but I want to establish as well as I 
can my right to be here. I might speak of the 
College Faculty, who cast such a pleasing though 
sober shade of dignity over the place, and who, 
with other educated and substantial citizens, made 
up the best of social life. I was a boy then, and 
slightly felt the atmosphere of this condition, but, 
notwithstanding, I believe I absorbed a lasting ap- 
preciation of the intelligence and refinement which 
made this a delightful home. 

" I know that you will bear with me, my friends, 
if I yield to the impulse which the mention of 



THE PRESIDENT'S TOURS. 



217 



home creates and speak of my own home here, 
and how through the memories which cluster about 
it I may claim a tender relationship to your vil- 
lage. Here it was that our family circle entire, 
parents and children, lived day after day in loving 
and affectionate converse, and here for the last 
time we met around the family altar and thanked 
God that our household was unbroken by death 
or separation. We never met together in any 
other home after leaving this, and death followed 
closely our departure. And thus it is that as with 
advancing years I survey the havoc death has 
made, and the thoughts of my early home become 
more sacred, the remembrance of this pleasant 
spot, so related, is revived and chastened. I can 
only add my thanks for the privilege of being 
with you to-day, and wish for the village of Clim 
ton in the future a continuation and increase of 
the blessings of the past." 

THE CENTENNIAL AND THE CONSTITUTION. 

On September 15th, 16th, and 17th, 1887, the 
people of the country celebrated with a magnifi- 
cent pageant and eminently fit public exercises 
the centennial of the making of their Federal Con- 
stitution in Philadelphia. In that city, a hundred 
years before, had sat the Congress which fash- 
ioned this great charter, pronounced by Mr. Glad- 
stone to be " the most wonderful work ever struck 
off at a given time by the brain and purpose of 



2 i 8 LIFE OF GRO VER CLE VELAND. 

man." The first day's spectacle was an industrial 
parade, with twenty thousand men in line, and an 
almost endless train of devices to illustrate the 
progress of a hundred years in the arts and 
sciences. The President and his wife, with a party 
of Cabinet officers and other friends, reached the 
city on the evening of that clay. Mr. Cleveland 
attended the reception of the Catholic Club to 
Cardinal Gibbons, and the reception to the visiting 
Governors of the States at the Academy of Fine 
Arts; next morning he was welcomed to the Com- 
mercial Exchange, and made an address to the 
business men of Philadelphia, which was received 
with much favor ; later in the day, he reviewed 
the parade of twenty thousand soldiers, and in the 
evening* the President and Mrs. Cleveland re- 
ceived the people in the Academy of Music, where 
ten thousand persons paid their respects, The 
same evening, the President visited the dinner of 
the Clover Club, a Bohemian dining organization, 
at whose board some of the most brilliant wits of 
the country are to be found, and he bravely held 
his own in light badinage and ready repartee. 
The literary and musical exercises were held Sat- 
urday, September 17th, 1887, in Independence 
Square, and, before the delivery of the oration 
by Justice Miller, of the United States Supreme 
Court, the President made the following address: 
"I deem it a very great honor and pleasure to 
participate in these impressive exercises. Every 



THE PRESIDENT'S TOURS. 219 

American citizen should on this centennial day 
rejoice in his citizenship. He will not find the 
cause of his rejoicing in the antiquity of his 
country, for among the nations of the earth his 
stands with the youngest. He will not find it in 
the glitter and the pomp that bedeck a monarch 
and dazzle abject and servile subjects, for in this 
country the people themselves are the rulers. He 
will not find it in the story of bloody foreign con- 
quests, for his Government has been content to 
care for its own domain and people. He should 
rejoice because the work of framing our Constitu- 
tion was completed one hundred years ago to- 
day, and because when completed it established a 
free Government. He should rejoice because 
this Constitution and Government have survived 
with so many blessings and have demonstrated so 
fully the strength and value of popular rule. He 
should rejoice in the wondrous growth and 
achievements of the past one hundred years and 
also in the glorious promise of the Constitution 
through centuries to come. We shall fail to be 
duly thankful for all that was done for us one 
hundred years ago unless we realize the difficul- 
ties of the work then in hand, and the dangers 
avoided in the task of forming ' a more perfect 
Union ' between disjointed and inharmonious 
States, with interests and opinions radically diverse 
and stubbornly maintained. The perplexities of 
the Convention which undertook the labor of pre- 



2 20 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

paring our Constitution are apparent in these 
earnest words of one of the most illustrious of 
its members : ' The small progress we have made 
after four or five weeks of close attendance and 
continued reasoning with each other, our different 
sentiments on almost every question — several of 
the last producing as many noes as yeas — is, 
methinks, a melancholy proof of the imperfection 
of the human understanding. We indeed seem 
to feel our want of political wisdom, since we have 
been running about in search of it. We have 
gone back to ancient history for models of gov- 
ernment and examined the different forms of 
those republics which, having been formed with 
the seeds of their own dissolution, now no longer 
exist. In this situation of this assembly, groping 
as it were in the dark to find political truth, and 
scarce able to distinguish it when presented to us, 
how has it happened, sir, that we have heretofore 
not once thought of humbly applying to the Father 
of Light to illuminate our understanding ?' 

" And this wise man, proposing to his fellows 
that the aid and blessing of God should be in- 
voked in their extremity, declared : ' I have lived, 
sir, a long time, and the longer I live the more 
convincing proof I see of the truth that God gov- 
erns in the affairs of men. And if a sparrow can- 
not fall to the ground without His notice, is it 
probable that an empire can rise without His no- 
tice ? We have been assured, sir, in the sacred 



THE PRESIDENTS TOURS. 221 

writings, that except the Lord build the house, 
they labor in vain that build it. I firmly believe 
this, and I also believe that without His concur- 
ring aid we shall succeed in this political building 
no better than the building of Babylon. We shall 
be divided by our little partial interests, our pro- 
jects shall be confounded, and we ourselves shall 
become a reproach and byword down to future 
ages ; and, what is worse, mankind may hereafter 
from this unfortunate instance despair of estab- 
lishing governments by human wisdom and leave 
it to chance, war, and conquest.' 

"In the face of all discouragements the fathers 
of the Republic labored on for four weary, long 
months in alternate hope and fear, but always 
with rugged resolve, never faltering in a sturdy 
endeavor sanctified by a prophetic sense of the 
value to posterity of their success and always 
with unflinching faith in the principles which make 
the foundation of a government by the people. 
At last their task was done. It is related that 
upon the back of the chair occupied by Washing- 
ton as President of the Convention a sun was 
painted, and that as the delegates were signing 
the completed Constitution one of them said : 'I 
have often and often, in the course of the session 
and in the solicitude of my hopes and fears as to 
its issue, looked at that sun behind the President 
without being- able to tell whether it was rising or 
setting. But now at length I know that it is a ris- 



2 22 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

ing and not a setting sun.' We stand to-day on the 
spot where this rising sun emerged from political 
night and darkness, and in its own bright meridian 
light we mark its glorious way. Clouds have 
sometimes obscured its rays and dreadful storms 
have made us fear, but God has held it on its 
course, and through its life-ofivinor warmth has 
performed His latest miracle in the creation of 
this wondrous land and people. As -we look 
down that past century to the origin of our Con- 
stitution ; as we contemplate its trials and its tri- 
umphs ; as we realize how completely the princi- 
ples upon which it is based have met every 
national peril and every national deed, how de- 
voutly should we confess with Franklin, ' God 
governs in the affairs of men,' and how solemn 
should be the reflection that to our hands is com- 
mitted this ark of the people's covenant, and that 
ours is the duty to shield it from impious hands. 
We receive it sealed with the tests of a century. 
It has been found sufficient in the past, and in all 
the future years it will be found sufficient if the 
American people are true to their sacred trust. 

" Another centennial dav will come, and millions 
yet unborn will inquire concerning our steward- 
ship and the safety of their Constitution. God 
grant that they may find it unimpaired ; and as we 
rejoice in the patriotism and devotion of those 
who lived a hundred years ago, so may others 
who follow us rejoice in our fidelity and in our 
jealous love for constitutional liberty." 



THE PRESIDENT'S TOURS. 223 

In the evening a great banquet was given 
jointly by the learned and scientific societies of 
Philadelphia in the Academy of Music. Six 
hundred of the most distinguished men of the 
country sat down to it, and the President made 
another felicitous address, after having also, 
earlier in the evening, made a happy after- 
dinner speech at the quarterly feast of the 
Friendly Sons of St. Patrick. Philadelphia so- 
ciety, critical, exclusive, and intensely Republican, 
was stirred to its depths with enthusiasm for the 
President, and only divided the lavish honors paid 
him with his winsome and popular helpmeet. 

On October 28th, 1886, President Cleveland 
bore a conspicuous part in the ceremonies of un- 
veiling the Bartholdi Statue of " Liberty " on 
Bedloe Island in New York Harbor. This masf- 
nificent work was the Q^ift to America of the 
sculptor and the French people ; the enterprise 
of the New York World secured the necessary 
fund to erect the pedestal. The dedication of it 
was the occasion of a great civic, military, and 
naval demonstration ; and Mr. Cleveland's brief 
address was graceful and appropriate. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

THE TOUR TO THE SOUTH AND WEST. 

THE greatest popular ovation and personal 
triumph awaited his journey to the West, 
the Northwest, and the South. A hun- 
dred years before the chief executive of the Re- 
public, the father of his country, had set the well- 
approved fashion of a President becoming per- 
sonally acquainted with the land whose affairs he 
is expected to administer. In 1791 Washington 
visited New England and went as far south as 
Augusta, Ga., traveling one thousand seven hun- 
dred miles in sixty-six days. 

On the morning of September 30th, 1887, a train 
of three magnificently appointed Pullman palace 
cars, furnished with all the appliances and comforts 
of modern travel, drew out from the Baltimore and 
Potomac Station in Washington, bearing the Presi- 
dent, his wife, Secretary Lamont and wife, and 
other political associates and personal friends, 
ladies and gentlemen, the party being some- 
what changed at different points of the route. At 
Baltimore, York, Harrisburg, Altoona, Pittsburgh, 
224 



w 
w 

H 

o 
> 

H 
H 

a 
w 

> 

r 
> 

H 

> 
H 

O 

as 




TOUR TO THE SOUTH AND WEST. 



227 



and other stopping places, great crowds of people 
thronged the railway stations and gave vent to 
their enthusiasm by every conceivable variety of 
demonstration. 

Beyond Pittsburgh the shooting of a gas well, 
especially arranged for the Presidential party by 
Mr. James M. Guffey, was a novel spectacle, illus- 
trative of the peculiar natural features and mar- 
velous resources of Western Pennsylvania. The 
State of Ohio was traversed at niorhttime, and 
the first stop was made in Indianapolis. There a 
general decoration of the city, a great procession 
of people, booming cannon, pealing bells, and 
bands of music welcomed the distinguished party. 
In responding to Governor Gray's address the 
President paid a feeling tribute to Indiana's great 
statesman, who had been associated with him on 
the ticket in 1884, and Mrs. Hendricks entertained 
the visitors at lunch. Resuming their journey, the 
party reached St. Louis at midnight of the second 
and third days ; and attendance upon Divine 
worship on Sunday was followed next day with 
visits to the Fair, then in progress, receptions at 
the hands of the Commercial Exchanges, general 
assemblages of the people to do honor to their 
civil head, and the pomp of immense parades. 

Chicago was reached on October 5th, and like 
scenes of popular enthusiasm were witnessed 
there. In a public address in that city the Presi- 
dent gave expression to his idea of the duty of 



2 28 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

the people in relation to the responsibilities of 
their officials : 

" You have said the President ousfht to see 
Chicago. I am here to see it and its hospitable, 
large-hearted people. But because your city is so 
great, and your interests so large and important, 
I know you will allow me to suggest that I have 
left at home a city you ought to see and know 
more about. In point of fact, it would be well for 
you to keep your eyes closely upon it all the 
time. Your servants and agents are there. Thev 
are there to protect your interests and to aid 
your efforts to advance your prosperity and well- 
being. Your bustling trade, and your wearing, 
ceaseless activity of hand and brain, will not yield 
the results you deserve unless wisdom gurdes the 
policy of your Government, and unless your needs 
are regarded at the Capitol of the nation. It will 
be well for you not to forget that in the perform- 
ance of your political duties with calm thoughtful- 
ness and broad patriotism there lies not only a 
safeguard ao-ainst business disaster, but an im- 
portant obligation of citizenship." 

From Chicago the tourists went to Milwaukee, 
thence to Madison, where the Sabbath was quietly 
spent with the family of Postmaster-General Vilas. 
In a speech at the banquet given by the people of 
Milwaukee, Mr. Cleveland, speaking of the Pres- 
idencv, used this lanooia^e : 

" And because it belongs to all the people, the 



TOUR TO THE SOUTH AND WEST. 2 29 

obligation is manifest on their part to maintain a 
constant and continuous watchfulness and interest 
concerning its care and operation. Their duty is 
not entirely done when they have exercised their 
suffrage and indicated their choice of the incum- 
bent. Nor is their duty performed by settling 
down to bitter, malignant, and senseless abuse of 
all that is done or attempted to be done by the 
incumbent selected. The acts of an Administra- 
tion should not be approved as a matter of course, 
and for no better reason than that it represents a 
political party. But more unpatriotic than all others 
are those who, having neither party discontent 
nor fair ground of criticism to excuse or justify 
their conduct, rail because of personal disappoint- 
ments, who misrepresent for sensational purposes, 
and who profess to see swift destruction in the 
rejection of their plans of governmental manage- 
ment. After all, we need have no fear that the 
American people will permit this high office to 
suffer. There is a patriotic sentiment abroad which, 
in the midst of all party feeling and all party dis- 
appointment, will assert itself, and will insist that 
the office which stands for the people's will, shall, 
in all its vigor, minister to their prosperity and 
welfare." 

From Madison, by way of La Crosse, the Pres- 
idential company proceeded to St. Paul and Min- 
neapolis, the two marvelous cities of the great 
Northwest. To the people of St. Paul the Presi- 
dent pleasantly said : 



23O LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

" My visit to you being a social one, and trusting 
that we have a sort of friendly feeling for each 
other, I want to suggest to you why I am particu- 
larly and personally interested in St. Paul and 
its people. Some years ago a young girl dwelt 
among you and went to school. She has grown 
up to be a woman, and is now my wife. If any 
one thinks a President ought not to mention things 
of this sort in public, I hope he or she does not 
live in St. Paul, for I do not want to shock any- 
body when I thank the good people of this city 
because they neither married nor spoiled my 
wife, and when I tell them they are related to that 
in my life better than all earthly honors and dis- 
tinctions. Hereafter, you may be sure that her 
pleasant recollections of her school days will be 
reinforced by the no less pleasant memory of our 
present visit, and thus will our present interest in 
St. Paul and its kind citizens be increased and 
perpetuated." 

The train left Minneapolis for Omaha early on 
the morning of October 12th, and as progress 
westward was made the demonstrations of wel- 
come took on a more novel aspect. At Chaska 
tar barrels stacked Iwh were burned, balloons 
set off, and brass bands drowned the locomotive 
whistle. At Sioux City baskets of flowers were 
showered upon the guests of the people ; and in 
Omaha a great concourse welcomed them. Thence 
the trip was directed to Kansas City, where a 



TOUR TO THE SOUTH AND WEST. 23 I 

longer stay had been arranged. While there the 
President laid the corner-stone of the new build- 
ing for the Youne Men's Christian Association, 
and the following is an extract from his address 
upon that occasion : 

" In the busy activities of our daily life we are 
apt to neglect instrumentalities which are quietly 
but effectually doing most important service in 
molding our national character. Among these, 
and challenging but little notice compared with 
their valuable results, are the Young Men's Chris- 
tian Associations scattered throughout the country. 
All will admit the supreme importance of that 
honesty and fixed principle which rest upon 
Christian motives and purposes, and all will ac- 
knowledge the sad and increasing temptations 
which beset our young men and lure them to their 
destruction. 

"To save these young men, oftentimes de- 
prived of the restraints of home, from degrada- 
tion ind ruin, and to fit them for usefulness 
and honor, these associations have entered 
the field of Christian effort and are pushing 
their noble work. When it is considered that the 
objects of their efforts are to be the active men 
for good or evil in the next generation, mere 
human prudence dictates that these associations 
should be aided and encouraged. Their increase 
and flourishinor condition reflect the highest honor 
upon the good men who have devoted themselves 



232 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

to this work, and demonstrate that the American 
people are not entirely lacking in appreciation of 
its value. Twenty years ago but one of these 
associations owned a building, and that was valued 
at eleven thousand dollars. To-day more than 
one hundred such buildings, valued at more than 
five million dollars, beautify the different cities of 
our land and beckon our young men to lives of 
usefulness. 

" I am especially pleased to be able to participate 
to day in laying the corner-stone of another of 
these edifices in this active and growing city ; and 
I trust that the encouragement o^iven the Younof 
Men's Christian Association located here may be 
commensurate with its assured usefulness and in 
keeping with the generosity and intelligence which 
are characteristic of the people of Kansas City." 

Turning southward from Kansas City, the next 
important stop was made at Memphis, Tenn. On 
the way thither, what might have proved a terri- 
ble disaster was averted by the providential dis- 
covery in good time that a trestle over which the 
train must pass had been fired. A sad accident 
which clouded the celebration at Memphis was the 
sudden death of Judge John T. Ellett, who expired 
on the platform just after the President had replied 
to the address of welcome delivered by Judge 
Ellett for his fellow-citizens. Sunday was spent 
at the beautiful Belle Meade farm of General W. 
H. Jackson, and on Monday, October 17th, Nash- 



TOUR TO THE SOUTH AND WEST. 2 * 1 

ville and Chattanooga received the visitors with 
true Southern hospitality. Atlanta, Georgia, and 
Montgomery, Alabama, were reserved for the 
close of the tour, which had been from the begin- 
ning a perfect success, and was attended with such 
demonstrations of popular good feeling as no 
event since the close of the war had excited. At 
Montgomery, the President, his heart filled with 
joy at the sure signs he saw everywhere of a re- 
stored Union and a subsidence of sectionalism, 
said : 

"Your fellow-countrymen appreciate the value 
of intimate and profitable business relations with 
you, and there need be no fear that they will per- 
mit them to be destroyed or endangered by de- 
sioninor dema^o^ues. The wickedness of those 
partisans who seek to aid their ambitious schemes 
by engendering hate among a generous people is 
fast meeting exposure ; and yet there is and should 
be an insistence upon a strict adherence to the 
settlement which has been made of disputed 
questions and upon the unreserved acceptance oi 
such settlement. As against this I believe no 
business considerations should prevail, and I 
firmly believe that there is American fairness 
enough abroad in the land to insure a proper and 
substantial recognition of the good faith which 
you have exhibited. We know that you still have 
problems to solve involving considerations con- 
cerning you alone, questions beyond the reach of 



234 L1FE 0F G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

Federal law or interference, and with which none 
but you should deal. I have no fear that you 
will fail to do your manful duty in these matters, 
but may I not, in the extension of the thoughts 
which I have before suggested, say to you that 
the educational advantages and the care which 
may be accorded to every class of your citizens 
have a relation to the general character of the 
entire country as intimate and potential as your 
production and the development oi your mineral 
resources have to its material prosperity ?" 

The tone of this address reflected the feelings 
awakened not only in the President, but in the 
minds of his fellow-countrymen, who were deeply 
impressed by the pervading and enthusiastic pa- 
triotism of a section so lately estranged; and when 
Mr. Cleveland returned to Washington on Octo- 
ber 2 2d, his movements for the past three weeks 
had done much to strengthen the popular senti- 
ment in behalf of obliterating from American pol- 
itics the baleful issues of race and sectional strife. 

AT THE PRESBYTERIAN REUNION. 

On February 21st, 1888, the President and his 
wife, accompanied by some of his Cabinet, made a 
brief trip to a part of the South not visited before. 
They spent a day or two in Jacksonville, Florida, 
being received there and at all the stations on the 
way with extravagant outbursts of enthusiasm. 
Returning, a few days later, they were greeted in 



-OUR TO THE SOUTH AND WEST. 235 

Charleston, S. C, with like cordiality and heart- 
iness. 

In May, 1888, the two General Assemblies 
of the Presbyterian Church, North and South, 
being then in session in Philadelphia and Balti- 
more, respectively, the notion was conceived by 
some of the good people desiring the closer 
union and the final reconciliation of these bodies 

to brine them into a social conference. Arrang- 
es o 

ments were made for public meetings and for the 
private entertainment of the delegates ; the Pres- 
ident, himself the son of a Presbyterian clergyman, 
was urgently invited to participate in the exer- 
cises, and he visited Philadelphia for that purpose. 

At a reception to the members of the two As- 
semblies, given by Mr. Wistar Morris at his home 
in Overbrook, a suburb of Philadelphia, on May 
2 1 st, the President spoke as follows : 

"I am very much gratified by the opportunity 
here afforded me to meet the representatives of 
the Presbyterian Church. 

"Surely a man never should lose his interest in 
the welfare of the Church in which he was reared ; 
and yet I will not find fault with any of you who 
deem ita sad confession made when I acknowledge 
that I must recall the days now long past to find 
my closest relations to the grand and noble de- 
nomination which you represent. I say this be- 
cause those of us who inherit fealty to our Church, 
as I did, begin early to learn those things which 



2 ^6 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

make us Presbyterians all the days of our lives ; 
and thus it is that the rigors of our earliest teach- 
ing, by which we are grounded in our lasting 
allegiances, are especially vivid and perhaps the 
best remembered. The attendance upon church 
services three times each Sunday, and upon Sab- 
bath-school during noon intermission, may be 
irksome enough to a boy of ten or twelve years 
of age to be well fixed in his memory ; but I have 
never known a man who regretted these things 
in the years of his maturity. The Shorter Cate- 
chism, though thoroughly studied and learned, 
was not, perhaps, at the time perfectly understood ; 
and yet in the stern duties and labors of after life 
those are not apt to be the worst citizens who 
were early taught, ' What is the chief end of 
man ?' 

" Speaking of these things and in the presence 
of those here assembled, the most tender thoughts 
crowd upon my mind — all connected with Presby- 
terianism and its teachings. There are present 
with me now memories of a kind and affectionate 
father, consecrated to the cause, and called to his 
rest and his reward in the midday of his useful- 
ness ; a sacred recollection of the prayers and 
pious love of a sainted mother and a family circle 
hallowed and sanctified by the spirit of Presbyte- 
rianism. 

" I certainly cannot but express the wish and 
hope that the Presbyterian Church will always be 



TOUR TO THE SOUTH AND WEST. 2~J 

at the front in every movement which promises 
the temporal as well as the spiritual advancement 
of mankind. In the turmoil and the bustle of 
every-day life few men are foolish enough to 
ignore the practical value to our people and our 
country of the church organizations established 
amonor us and the advantage of Christian exam- 
pie and teaching. 

" The field is vast and the work sufficient to en- 
gage the efforts of every sect and denomination ; 
but I am inclined to believe that the Church which 
is most tolerant and conservative without loss of 
spiritual strength will soonest find the way to the 
hearts and affections of the people. While we 
may be pardoned for insisting that our denomina- 
tion is the best, we may, I think, safely concede 
much that is good to all other Churches that seek 
to make men better. 

" I am here to greet the delegates of two Gen- 
eral Assemblies of the Presbyterian Church. One 
is called ( North ' and the other ' South/ The subject 
is too deep and intricate for me, but I cannot help 
wondering why this should be. These words, so 
far as they denote separation and estrangement, 
should be obsolete. In the counsels of the nation 
and in the business of the country they no longer 
mean reproach and antagonism. Even the sol- 
diers who fought for the North and for the South 
are restored to fraternity and unity. This frater- 
nity and unity is taught and enjoined by our 



2 * 8 L IFE OF GRO VER CL E VEL A JVD. 

Church. When shall she herself be united with 
all the added strength and usefulness that har- 
mony and union insure ?" 

TO THE CATHOLIC CLUB. 

The frankness and self-assertion of this expres- 
sion, coupled with a true spirit of religious tolera- 
tion, recall Mr. Cleveland's letter to the Catholic 
Club, of Philadelphia, to which, under date of 
February ioth, 1887, he wrote: 

"The thoughtfulness which prompted this invi- 
tation is gratefully appreciated, and I regret that 
my public duties here will prevent its acceptance. 
I should be glad to join the contemplated expres- 
sion of respect to be tendered to the distinguished 
head of the Catholic Church in the United States, 
whose personal acquaintance I very much enjoy, 
and who is so worthily entitled to the esteem of 
all his fellow-citizens. 

" I thank you for the admirable letter which ac- 
companied my invitation, in which you announce 
as one of the doctrines of your Club ' that a good 
and exemplary Catholic must, ex necessitate rei, 
be a good and exemplary citizen,' and ' that the 
teachings of both human and divine law, thus 
merging in the one word duty, form the only 
union of Church and State that a civil and religious 
Government can recognize.' 

" I know you will permit me as a Protestant to 
supplement this noble sentiment by the expres- 



TOUR TO THE SOUTH AND WEST. 239 

sion of my conviction that the same influence and 
result follow a sincere and consistent devotion to 
the teachings of every religious creed which is 
based upon Divine sanction. A wholesome relig- 
ious faith thus inures to the perpetuity, the safety, 
and prosperity of our Republic, by exacting the 
due observance of civil law, the preservation of 
public order, and a proper regard for the rights 
of all; and thus are its adherents better fitted for 
good citizenship and confirmed in a sure and 
steadfast patriotism. It seems to me, too, that 
the conception of duty to the State, which is 
derived from religious precept, involves a sense of 
personal responsibility which is of the greatest 
value in the operation of the Government by the 
people. It will be a fortunate day for our country 
when every citizen feels that he has an ever 
present duty to perform to the State which he 
cannot escape from or neglect without being false 
to his religious as well as his civil allegiance." 

VERSATILITY OF GENIUS. 

On June 27th, 1888, the President attended the 
commencement exercises of the University of 
Virginia, at Charlottesville, conferred the degrees 
upon the graduates, received many thousands of 
visitors, and responded to a sentiment at the 
alumni dinner, after which he visited the house 
and the grave of Jefferson, founder of the Univer- 
sity. 



24O LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

On July 3d, 18S8, the German singing societies 
of the country, holding their national Saengerfest 
in Baltimore, Md., gave the President and his wife 
an urgent invitation to attend one of their errand 
concerts in the Academy of Music. The invita- 
tion was accepted, and the visit was the occasion 
of a magnificent ovation to the Presidential party, 
not only from his enthusiastic German admirers, 
but from the Democratic clubs of the country, 
then assembling in their great Fourth of July Con- 
vention. 

The fore^oin^r narrative recalls visits of the 
President to every section of the country except- 
ing the Pacific slope and the extreme Southwest, 
touching three-fourths of the States and many of 
the chief cities; demanding from him attention to 
the widest variety of interests, moral and material, 
anddrawingupon him for frequent public speeches. 
These many occasions found him ready, apt, and 
versatile ; and nothing could better illustrate the 
profound earnestness, the lofty patriotism and 
the keen intelligence of the President, than the 
elevated bearing and the easy yet dignified de- 
meanor which have marked his commincdinof with 
his fellow-countrymen at their homes and amid 
their familiar associations. 




CHAPTER XV. 

EXERCISE OF THE VETO POWER* THE BATTLE- FLAG 

INCIDENT FRAUDULENT PENSION BILLS. 

LTHOUGH the Constitution of the Uni- 
ted States requires the assent of the Pres- 
ident to every bill before it becomes a" law, 
unless both Houses determine by a two-thirds 
aye-and-no vote to pass it over his veto, this 
power of disapproval has been, on the whole, 
sparingly used by the Executives of the United 
States. Until 1830 there were but nine vetoes — 
two by Washington, none by Adams, none by 
Jefferson, six by Madison, and one by Monroe. 
Jackson exercised the veto nine times, besides 
pocketing several bills presented just prior to the 
final adjournment. 

So infrequent was the exercise of this power 
that Jackson and the prerogative itself were 

* For many of the facts cited in this chapter, and for some views ex- 
pressed, the authors have drawn upon a review styled " The President's 
Vetoes," in the publication of which the writer's name is modestly with- 
held. It will be very generally recognized, however, as a revision of the ad- 
mirable address on this subject made before the Iroquois Club, of Chicago, 
Illinois, by Melville W. Fuller, Esq., leader of the bar of that city and 
State, and the nominee of the President for the Chief Justiceship of th? 
United States, recently made vacant by the death of Chief Justice Waite. 

241 



2 4-2 LIFE 0F G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

fiercely attacked, and Tyler had a stormy time 
because he had the temerity to veto six bills. 

"Polk vetoed three and Tierce nine bills; 
Buchanan and Lincoln but few; Grant more, one 
of his forty-two vetoes being of a bill to in- 
crease the amount of greenbacks to $400,000,000 
and authorize the issue of $46,000,010 in national 
bank notes; Johnson, in his controversy with 
Congress, a great many. And so of President 
Hayes, when it was attempted to repeal general 
legislation by riders on appropriation bills, though 
his most important veto was of the silver bill of 
1878. President Arthur exercised the power but 
rarely. 

"It has devolved upon the present incumbent 
of the Presidential office to exercise the veto 
power in more instances than all the other Presi- 
dents put together; a clear indication of the in- 
crease in legislation and of carelessness in the 
enactment of special laws, requiring greater care 
in examination and the application of closer busi- 
ness scrutiny, as well, doubtless, of a different 
view of the functions of government than that in- 
dulged in by some of the leading politicians in the 
period just preceding Mr. Cleveland's inaugura- 
tion. 

" * * * His view in taking office seems to 
have been that free institutions are inconsistent 
with a paternal government; that governmental 
administration is a business matter, to be carried 



EXERCISE OF THE VETO POWER. 243 

forward on business principles ; that it is the duty 
of the Executive to examine all bills presented 
to him for his approval, and to require a recon- 
sideration of those which he thinks improper to 
be passed into laws. There is not a particle of 
doubt that it was the intention of the framers of 
the Constitution, and of those who adopted it, that 
this should be the attitude of the Executive in re- 
lation to the enactment of laws; and it is clear that 
the danger was that the power would be exer- 
cised too little, rather than too often or too much. 
It is vastly easier to say yes than no ; to yield to 
importunity rather than resist it."* 

To Mr. Cleveland's conscientious care and 
unflagging personal industry in the detailed ex- 
amination of legislative enactments, as much as to 
the considerations advanced in the foregoing 
extracts, have been due the unexampled fre- 
quency and vigor with which he has wielded the 
veto power That he has not gone far wrong, 
upon the whole, is shown by the fact that the two 
Houses of Congress have almost invariably 
acquiesced in the wisdom of his decisions and the 
cogency of his reasons. 

APPROPRIATIONS FOR FEDERAL BUILDINGS. 

While individual members, intent upon making 
capital for themselves at home, and special locali- 

*The President's Vetoes, pp. 7, 8. 



2 44 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

tiss, ea^er to serve their own interests at the 
general expense, have bewailed the disapproval 
of their bills for public building appropriations, 
the average common sense of the great body of 
the people has heartily approved the stand taken 
by the President, and has recognized the consist- 
ency of his cause in measuring such bills by con- 
siderations like these, announced in his various 
messages : 

" The necessities of the Government should 
control the question, and it should be decided as 
a business proposition, depending upon the needs 
of a Government building at the points proposed, 
in order to do the Government work." 

"While a fine Government building is a desir- 
able ornament to any town or city, and while the 
securing of an appropriation therefor is often 
considered as an illustration of zeal and activity 
in the interests of a constituency, I am of the 
opinion that the expenditure of public money for 
such a purpose should depend upon the necessity 
of such a building for public uses." 

" The care and protection which the Govern- 
ment owes to the people do not embrace the 
grant of public buildings to decorate thriving and 
prosperous cities and villages, nor should such 
buildings be erected upon any principle of fair 
distribution among localities. The Government 
is not an almoner of gifts among the people, but 
an instrumentality by which the people's affairs 



EXERCISE OF THE VETO POWER. 245 

should be conducted upon business principles, 
regulated by the public needs." 

Upon another occasion, in disposing of a bill 
for the relief of a stricken community, he assumed 
this statesmanlike position : 

" I do not believe that the power and duty of 
the General Government ought to be extended to 
the relief of individual suffering which is in no 
manner related to the public service or benefit. 
A prevalent tendency to disregard the limited 
mission of this power and duty should, I think, 
be steadfastly resisted, to the end that the lesson 
should be constantly enforced that though the people 
support the Government, the Government should not 
support the people. The friendliness and charity 
of our countrymen can always be relied upon to 
relieve their fellow-citizens in misfortune. This 
has been repeatedly and quite lately demonstrated. 
Federal aid in such cases encourages the expectation 
of paternal care on the part of the Government, and 
weakens the sturdiness of our national character, 
while it prevents the indulgence among our people 
of the kindly sentiment and conduct which 
strengthen the bond of a common brother- 
hood." 

THE PENSION VETOES. 

His most numerous class of vetoes has included 
a large number of the cases of private pension 
bills, whose beneficiaries or their agents, unwilling 



246 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

to depend upon the ordinary operation of the ex- 
tremely liberal existing pension laws and their 
present prompt execution, resort to Congress for 
special action on their cases. In that body they 
are acted upon without general investigation of 
their merits and without any of the deliberation 
and care which characterize department work. 

The President, as all members of Congress well 
know, did not overstate the case when, in his 
message of June 21st, 1886, he said: " A large 
proportion of these bills have never been submit- 
ted to a majority of either branch of Congress, 
but are the results of nominal sessions, held for 
the express purpose of their consideration, and 
attended by a small minority of the members of 
the respective Houses of the legislative branch of 
Government. Thus, in considering these bills I 
have not felt that I was aided by the deliberate 
judgment of the Congress; and when I have 
deemed it my duty to disapprove many of the bills 
presented, I have hardly regarded my action as a 
dissent from the conclusions of the people's rep- 
resentatives." 

An uncontradicted description of a recent scene 
in the Senate, with the President's most relentless 
and abusive antagonist, Senator Ingalls, in the 
chair, illustrates how necessary to save the pub- 
lic treasury is the careful and judicious examina- 
tion by the Executive of bills thus passed: 

" The Senate yesterday considered pension 



EXERCISE OF THE VETO POWER. 2\*] 

bills on the calendar and in a short space of time 
passed about ninety of them. The mode of pro- 
cedure in this rapid passage of the bills is rather 
interesting. Usually, when such a measure is to 
be considered, the bill is reported by its number and 
the presiding officer says : 'In Committee of the 
Whole and the bill will he read at length.' This is 
done, and then he says : ' The bill is open to 
amendment : if there be no amendment it will be 
reported to the Senate. The Committee has had 

under consideration bill numbered . The bill 

is still open to amendment. If there be no amend- 
ment the question is upon ordering the bill to be 
engrossed and read a third time. Senators in the 
affirmative will say "aye ;" negative, "no." The 
ayes appear to have it ; the bill will be engrossed 
and read the third time.' The bill is then read 
by its title, when the presiding officer says : \ The 
question is upon the passage of the bill,' and the 
question is then put. 

" But when the Senate is considering these bills 
hastily upon the calendar a different method is 
adopted. It is understood that no objection will 
be made to them, and it is desirable to get them 
out of the way as quickly as possible. Yesterday 
Mr. Ingalls stood up in front of his desk marking 
the place on the calendar. He would call for a 
bill by its number on the order of business and 
the clerk would report its number as a bill. 
Then Mr. Ingalls says: 'In Committee of the 



248 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

Whole/ The clerk reads the bill rapidly, and as 
he finishes Mr. Ingalls says: ' Reported to the 
Senate, engrossed, read third time, and passed. 
No. — ,' calling out the next measure. No vote 
is taken ; no one listened to the bill ; in fact, the 
whole business was transacted by the President 
pro tempore and the Clerk. There were less than 
a dozen Senators in the chamber, all engaged in 
something" else than (riving attention to the busi- 
ness being transacted, as, in fact, their attention 
was not required." 

The frequency with which private bills have 
had to be vetoed therefore illustrates the careless- 
ness of Congress and not the existence of any 
hostility on Mr. Clev< land's part to this special 
class of legislation. On the contrary, with proper 
qualification against frauds and impostures upon 
the Government's bounty, Mr. Cleveland has 
shown himself consistently in favor of its most 
liberal extension to deserving subjects of it. In 
his annual message, December 6th, 1886, he pre- 
sents this succinct and striking statement: 

"The report of the Commissioner of Pensions 
contains a detailed and most satisfactory exhibit 
o{ the operations of the Pension Bureau during 
the last fiscal year. The amount of work done 
was the largest in any year since the organiza- 
tion of the Bureau ; and it has been done at 
less cost than during the previous year in every 
division. 



EXERCISE OF THE VETO POWER. 249 

"On the thirtieth day of June, 1886, there were 
365,783 pensioners on the rolls of the Bureau. 

" Since 1861 there have been 1,018,732 appli- 
cations for pensions filed, of which ^^^ were 
based upon service in the War of 181 2. There 
were 62 1 ,754 of these applications allowed, includ- 
ing- 60,178 to the soldiers of 181 2 and their 
widows. 

"The total amount paid for pensions since 1861 
is $808,624,811.57. 

"The number of new pensions allowed during 
the year ended June 30th, 1886, is 40,8 5 7 — a larger 
number than has been allowed in any year save 
one since 1861 ; the names of 2,229 pensioners 
which had been previously dropped from the rolls, 
were restored during the year, and after deduct- 
ing those dropped within the same time for va- 
rious causes, a net increase remains for the year 
of 20,658 names. 

"From January i st, 1861, to December 1st, 1885, 
1 ,967 private pension acts had been passed. Since 
the last-mentioned date, and during the last ses- 
sion of the Congress, 644 such acts became laws. 

"It seems to me that no one can examine our 
pension establishment and its operations without 
being convinced that through its instrumentality 
justice can be very nearly done to all who are en- 
titled under present laws to the pension bounty 
of the Government. 

" But it is undeniable that cases exist, well en- 



25O L1FE OF GR OVER CLEVELAND. 

titled to relief, in which the Pension Bureau is 
powerless to aid. The really worthy cases of this 
class are such as only lack by misfortune the kind 
or quantity of proof which the law and regu- 
lations of the Bureau require, or which, though 
their merit is apparent, for some other reason 
cannot be justly dealt with through general laws. 
These conditions fully justify application to the 
Congress and special enactments. But resort to 
the Congress for a special pension act to overrule 
the deliberate and careful determination of the 
Pension Bureau on the merits or to secure favor- 
able action when it could not be expected under 
the most liberal execution of general laws, it 
must be admitted, opens the door to the allow- 
ance of questionable claims and presents to the 
legislative and executive branches of the Gov- 
ernment applications concededly not within the 
law and plainly devoid of merit, but so sur- 
rounded by sentiment and patriotic feeling that 
they are hard to resist. I suppose it will not be 
denied that many claims for pensions are made 
without merit and that many have been allowed 
upon fraudulent representations. This has been 
declared from the Pension Bureau, not only in 
this, but in prior Administrations. 

"The usefulness and the justice of any system 
for the distribution of pensions depend upon the 
equality and uniformity of its operation. 

"It will be seen from the report of the Commis- 



EXERCISE OE THE VETO POWER. 2 $l 

sioner that there are now paid by the Govern- 
ment one hundred and thirty-one different rates 
of pension. 

"He estimates from the bestinformation he can 
obtain that nine thousand of those who have 
served in the Army and Navy of the United States 
are now supported, in whole or in part, from pub- 
lic funds or by organized charities, exclusive of 
those in soldiers' homes under the direction and 
control of the Government. Only 13 per cent, of 
these are pensioners, while of the entire number 
of men furnished for the late war somethinor like 
20 per cent., including their widows and relatives, 
have been or are now in receipt of pensions. 

"The American people, with a patriotic and 
grateful regard for our ex-soldiers — too broad 
and too sacred to be monopolized by any special 
advocates — are not only willing but anxious that 
equal and exact justice should be done to all hon- 
est claimants for pensions. In their sight the 
friendless and destitute soldier, dependent on 
public charity, if otherwise entitled, has precisely 
the same right to share in the provision made for 
those who fought their country's battles as those 
better able, through friends and influence, to push 
their claims. Every pension that is granted under 
our present plan upon any other grounds than 
actual service, and injury or disease incurred in 
such service, and every instance of the many in 
which pensions are increased on other grounds 



252 



LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 



than the merits of the claim, work an injustice to 
the brave and crippled, but poor and friendless 
soldier, who is entirely neglected or who must be 
content with the smallest sum allowed under gen- 
eral laws. 

" There are far too many neighborhoods in which 
are found glaring cases of inequality of treatment 
in the matter of pensions ; and they are largely 
due to a yielding in the Pension Bureau to impor- 
tunity on the part of those, other than the pen- 
sioner, who are especially interested, or they arise 
from special acts passed for the benefit of indi- 
viduals. 

"The men who fought side by side should stand 
side by side when they participate in a grateful 
nation's kind remembrance. 

"Every consideration of fairness and justice to 
our ex-soldiers, and the protection of the patriotic 
instinct of our citizens from perversion and viola- 
tion, point to the adoption of a pension system 
broad and comprehensive enough to cover every 
contingency, and which shall make unnecessary 
an objectionable volume of special legislation. 

"As long as we adhere to the principle of grant- 
ing pensions for service, and disability as the re- 
sult of service, the allowance of pensions should 
be restricted to cases presenting these features. 

"Every patriotic heart responds to a tender con- 
sideration for those who, having served their 
country long and well, are reduced to destitution 



EXE E CIS E OF THE VETO POWER. 253 

and dependence, not as an incident of their ser- 
vice, but with advancing age or through sickness 
or misfortune. We are all tempted by the con- 
templation of such a condition to supply relief, 
and are often impatient of the limitations of pub- 
lic duty. Yielding to no one in the desire to in- 
dulge this feeling of consideration, I cannot 
rid myself of the conviction that if these ex- 
soldiers are to be relieved, they and their 
cause are entitled to the benefit of an enact- 
ment, under which relief may be claimed as a 
right, and that such relief should be granted 
under the sanction of law, not in evasion of 
it ; nor should such worthy objects of care, all 
equally entitled, be remitted to the unequal opera- 
tion of sympathy, or the tender mercies of social and 
political influence, with their unjust discriminations. 
"Thedischarged soldiers and sailorsof the coun- 
try are our fellow-citizens, and interested with us 
in the passage and faithful execution of wholesome 
laws. They cannot be swerved from their duty 
of citizenship by artful appeals to their spirit of 
brotherhood born of common peril and sufferino-, 
nor will they exact as a test of devotion to their 
welfare a willingness to neglect public duty in their 
behalf." 

VETO OF THE DEPENDENT PENSION BILL. 

Early in 1887 Congress passed the first general 
bill " since the close of the late civil war, permitting 



254 LIFE 0F C ROVER CLEVELAND. 

a pension to the soldiers and sailors who served in 
that war upon the ground of service and present 
disability alone, and in the entire absence of any 
injuries, received by the casualties or incidents of 
such service!' It was, as the President expressed 
it, " an avowed departure from the principle thus 
far adhered to respecting Union soldiers, that the 
bounty of the Government in the way of pen- 
sions is generously bestowed when granted to 
those who in their military service, and in the line 
of military duty, have, to a greater or less extent, 
been disabled." In view of this fact ; of the annual 
expenditure already of over $75,000,000 a year 
for pensions; of nearly 400,000 now borne on the 
pension rolls, and a steady increase of the number* 
the further away the war period becomes, — the Pres- 
ident vetoed the bill, and it did not become a law. 
The force of his reasons for disapproval was rec- 
ognized by conservative men all over the country ; 
and the most intelligent representatives of a sound 
public judgment gave hearty indorsement to 



* Tn the New York Nation of February 3d, 1887, will be found the 
annual cost of the European military establishments with the numbers 
■which compose them, as compared with our present and the proposed pen- 
sion list, as follows : 

ANNUAL COST. NUMBERS. 

Great Britain, $102,477,010 209,480 

Austria-Hungary, 51,307,602 286,423 

Germany, 91,522,495 449.342 

France, 126,366,086 523,283 

U. S. present pension list, .... 75,000,000 365,783 

As proposed, 147,000,000 865,783 



EXERCISE OF THE VETO POWER. 



2 55 



such considerations as these, advanced in his 



message : 



" I am of the opinion that it may fairly be con- 
tended that under the provisions of this section 
any soldier, whose faculties of mind or body have 
become impaired by accident, disease, or age, 
irrespective of his service in the army as a cause, 
and who by his labor only is left incapable of gain- 
ing the fair support he might with unimpaired 
powers have provided for himself, and who is not 
so well endowed with this world's eoods as to 
live without work, may claim to participate in its 
bounty; that it is not required that he should be 
without property, but only that labor should be 
necessary to his support in some degree ; nor is 
it required that he should be now receiving sup- 
port from others. 

" Believing this to be the proper interpretation 
of the bill, I cannot but remember that the sol- 
diers of our civil war, in their pay and bounty, 
received such compensation for military service 
as has never been received by soldiers before, 
since mankind first went to war ; that never 
before, on behalf of any soldiery, have so many 
and such generous laws been passed to relieve 
against the incidents of war ; that statutes have 
been passed giving them a preference in all pub- 
lic employments ; that the really needy and 
homeless Union soldiers of the Rebellion have 
been, to a large extent, provided for at soldiers' 



256 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

homes, instituted and supported by the Govern- 
ment, where they are maintained together, free 
from the sense of degradation which attaches to 
the usual support of charity ; and that never 
before in the history of the country has it been 
proposed to render Government aid toward the 
support of any of its soldiers based alone upon a 
military service so recent, and where age and 
circumstances appeared so little to demand such 
aid. 

" Hitherto such relief has been granted to sur- 
viving soldiers few in number, venerable in age, 
after a long lapse of time since their military ser- 
vice, and as a parting benefaction tendered by a 
grateful people. 

" I cannot believe that the vast peaceful army 
of Union soldiers, who, having contentedly re- 
sumed their places in the ordinary avocations of 
life, cherish as sacred the memory of patriotic 
service, or who, having been disabled by the casu- 
alties of war, justly legardthe present pension- 
roll, on which appear their names, as a roll of 
honor, desire at ihis time and in the present ex- 
igency, to be confounded with those who through 
such a bill as this are willing to be objects of 
simple cnarity and to gain a place upon the pen- 
sion-roll through alleged dependence. 

" Recent personal observation and experience 
constrain me to refer to another result which will 
inevitably follow the passage of this bill. It is 



EXERCISE OF THE VETO POWER. 257 

sad but nevertheless true, that already in the 
matter of procuring- pensions there exists a wide- 
spread disregard of truth and good faith, stimu- 
lated by those who as agents undertake to estab- 
lish claims for pensions, heedlessly entered upon 
by the expectant beneficiary, and encouraged or 
at least not condemned by those unwilling to 
obstruct a neighbor's plans. 

"In the execution of this proposed law under 
any interpretation, a wide field of inquiry would 
be opened for the establishment of facts largely 
within the knowledge of the claimants alone ; and 
there can be no doubt that the race after the pen- 
sions offered by this bill would not only stimulate 
weakness and pretended incapacity for labor, but 
put a further premium on dishonesty and men- 
dacity. 

"The effect of new invitations to apply for 
pensions, or of new advantages added to causes 
for pensions already existing, is sometimes start- 
ling. 

"Thus in March, 1879, large arrearages of 
pensions were allowed to be added to all claims 
filed prior to July 1st, 1880. For the year from 
July 1st 1879, to July 1st, 1880, there were filed 
110,673 cia^ms, though in the year immediately 
previous there were but 36,832 filed, and in the 
year foJowing but 18,455. 

" While cost should not be set against a patri- 
otic duty or the recognition of a right, still, when 



258 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

a measure proposed is based upon generosity or 
motives of charity, it is not amiss to meditate 
somewhat upon the expense which it involves. 
Experience has demonstrated, I believe, that all 
estimates concerning the probable future cost of 
a pension list are uncertain and unreliable, and 
always fall far below actual realization. 

"The chairman of the House Committee on 
Pensions calculates that the number of pensioners 
under this bill would be 33,105, and the increased 
cost $4,767,120 ; this is upon the theory that only 
those who are entirely unable to work would be 
its beneficiaries. Such was the principle of the 
Revolutionary pension law of 181S, much more 
clearly stated, it seems to me, than in this bill. 
When the law of 18 18 was upon its passage in 
Congress the number of pensioners to be bene- 
fited thereby was thought to be 374 ; but the 
number of applicants under the act was 22,297, 
and the number of pensions actually allowed 
20,485, costing, it is reported, for the first year, 
$[,847,900, instead of $40,000, the estimated ex- 
pense for that period." 

PRIVATE PENSION VETOES. 

Upon such grounds as these the President, while 
signing far more private pension bills* than any of 

*" The Democracy has held sacred and has far advanced the claims of 
the pensioner as the common debt of the common people, to be sacredly, 
honestly, and munificently paid. Never since the tender hand of peace 



EXERCISE OF THE VETO POWFR. 259 

his predecessors, has felt impelled to puncture a 
vast number of frauds attempted in the name of 
charity, and to correct gross carelessness and im- 
providence on the part of Congress in passing 
them. For this he has been subject to malignant 
misrepresentation, and the abuse of rancorous 
partisans and of some narrow-minded people 
who think they are patriots simply because they 
were soldiers. 

Few if any of these complainants have ever had 
the fairness or taken the trouble to aclually read 
the vetoes or weigh their merits ; and from such 
no honest judgment can be reasonably expected. 
Even the great body of people will, no doubt, be 
agreeably surprised to find that these much 
maligned vetoes rest on impregnable grounds ; and 
Mr. Cleveland could not better afford to invite dis- 
cussion of any phase of his Presidential policy than 
of the reasons which have induced his disap- 
proval of many of the private pension jobs. They 
are thus summarized in the pamphlet from which 
previous extracts have been made :* 

Some of these bills were vetoed because the 



first bound up the wounds of rugged war; never since t'.e awful fruit of 
battle cumbered the red earth; never since mm died and women wept 
and children sorrowed, has greater munificence or more eager willingness 
been manifest than has been shown to the pensioners by the triumphant 
Democracy — which, God willing, shall for many years pour the nation's 
reviving streams by the stricken and desolate." — General John C. Black, 
Commissioner of Pensions. 
* " The Vetoes of the President," pages 13, 14, 1 5, 16. 



2 GO LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

claims named in them had already been allowed, 
and the effect of permitting them to become laws 
would be to deprive the claimants of several 
months' pay. Some were disapproved because 
the claims were still pending in the Pension Office ; 
some, because disability existed before, and some, 
because it was occasioned after service. Most of 
the bills disapproved were in respect of claims 
which had already been minutely, and, in many 
instances, frequently examined and rejected in the 
Pension Office ; but in each instance, where time 
was afforded, the President made a careful exam- 
ination for himself, being compelled to let, how- 
ever, a large number become laws for want of 
time to make such examination, of itself a com- 
mentary on the objectionable manner in which 
this business is conducted. Amonsf those vetoed 
we find a claim on behalf of the widow of a per- 
son who, sixteen years after the close of the war, 
fell backward from a ladder and fractured his 
skull ; another, predicated upon the ground that 
the claimant's husband was deaf, and being 
drowned in crossing a river could not hear the 
ferryman call out that the boat was sinking, al- 
though, as the President says, " How he could 
have saved his life if he had heard the warning, is 
not stated;" another of an old gentleman of sev- 
enty-five, who claimed that he contracted chronic 
diarrhoea in the Blackhawk War. The President 
said : " I am inclined to think it would have been 



* 



EXERCISE OF THE VETO POWER. 2 6l 

a fortunate thing if, in this case, it could have been 
demonstrated that a man could thrive so well with 
a chronic diarrhoea for fifty-two years, as its exist- 
ence in the case of this good old gentleman would 
prove. We should then, perhaps, have less of 
it in claims for pensions." The examination in 
that case showed that the applicant did not claim 
to have had diarrheca for many years just preced- 
ing the application. 

In another instance, the claim attributed "death 
from apoplexy wO a wound in the knee received 
nineteen years before the apoplectic attack." In 
another case the man was discharged from the 
hospital with a certificate : " We do not believe 
him sick, or that he has been sick, but completely 
worthless. He is obese, and a malingerer to such 
an extent that he is almost an imbecile." 

In another instance the beneficiary's husband 
died in a street fight from the blow of a fist ; in 
another the son was killed in 1862, and his father 
was not aware of it until 1864. The boy had been 
in charge of an uncle, and afterward of other 
persons, ever since he was nine years old. The 
President says : " After the exhibition of heart- 
lessness and abandonment on the part of a father, 
which is a prominent feature in this case, I should 
be sorry to be a party to a scheme permitting him 
to profit by the death of his patriotic son. The 
claimant relinquished the care of his son, and 
should be held to have relinquished all claim to 



262 LIFE OF GROVE R CLEVELAND. 

his assistance, and the benefit so indecently 
claimed, as the result of his death.'' 

In another case of a fisticuff, the Presi- 
dent says: "The Government ought not to be 
called upon to insure against the quarrel- 
some propensities of its individual soldiers, 
nor to compensate one who is worsted in a fight, 
or even in an unprovoked attack, when the cause 
of injury is in no way connected with or related to 
any requirement or incident of military service." 
In another case a widow applied for a pension and 
did not claim that the death resulted from military 
service. The President says: " This presents the 
question whether a gift in such a case is a proper 
disposition of money appropriated for the pur- 
pose of paying pensions. The passage of this 
law would, in my opinion ; establish a precedent 
so far-reaching, and open the door to such a vast 
multitude of claims not on principle within our 
present pension laws, that I am constrained to dis- 
approve the bill under consideration." In another 
instance the decedent was addicted to periodical 
sprees ai d died in the city lock-up, where he had 
been taken by an officer while on a drunken spree. 
In another case the death was from yellow fever 
in 1878. In another the claimant was enrolled as 
a substitute March 25th, 1865, when high boun- 
ties were paid, and remained in the army one 
month and seventeen days, during which time he 
Bad the measles. " Fifteen years after this bril- 



EXERCISE OE THE VETO POWER. 26 \ 

liant service and this terrific encounter with the 
measles, and on the :8th day of June, 1880, the 
claimant discoveied that his attack of the measles 
had some relation to his army enrollment, and 
that this disease had settled in his eyes , also af- 
fecting his spinal column." Another case was 
this, as stated by the President : This man " was 
mustered into the service October 26th, 1861 ; he 
never did a day's service, so far as his name ap- 
pears, and the muster-out roll of his company re- 
ports him as having deserted at Camp Cameron, 
Pennsylvania, November 14th, 1861. He visited 
his family about the first day of December, 1861, 
and was found December 30th, 1861, drowned in 
a canal about six miles from his home. Those 
who prosecute claims for pensions have grown 
very bold when cases of this description are pre- 
sented for consideration." In another instance the 
Committee reported favorably, " in view of the 
lonor a nd faithful service and high character of the 
claimant." The President states the facts and 
continues: "Thus it quite plainly appears that 
this claimant spent most of his term of enlistment 
in desertion or in imprisonment as a punishment 
for that offense, and thus is exhibited 'the long 
and faithful service and the hioh character of the 
claimant/ mentioned as entitling him to consid- 
eration by the Committee who reported favorably 
upon this bill. I withhold my assent from this 
bill because if the facts before me, derived from 



264 LIFE OF GROVE R CLEVELAND. 

the army records and the statements of the claim 
ant, are true, the allowance of this claim would, 
in my opinion, be a travesty upon our whole 
scheme of pensions and an insult to every decent 
veteran soldier." 

Yet another case was this: The mother of the 
decedent, her husband, the father, having aban- 
doned her, was allowed a pension as dependent 
mother from 1862 to 1884, when she died. The 
father applied in 1877, alleging the death of his 
wife, but the claim was rejected by the Pension 
Office because she was living, and after her death 
again rejected because of the abandonment. The 
President says : " The allegation in 1877 of the 
man who now poses as the aged and dependent 
father of a dead soldier, that the mother died in 
1872, when at that time her claim was pending 
for pension largely based upon his abandonment; 
the affidavit of the man who testified that he saw 
her die in 1872 ; the effrontery of this unworthy 
father renewing his claim after the detection of 
his fraud and the actual death of the mother, and 
the allegation of the mother that she was a widow 
when in fact she was an abandoned wife, show 
the processes which enter into these claims for 
pensions, and the boldness with which plans are 
sometimes concocted to rob the Government by 
actually trafficking in death, and imposing upon 
the sacred sentiments of patriotism and national 
gratitude." 



EXERCISE OE THE VETO POWER. 265 

THE BATTLE-FLAG INCIDENT. 

In the summer of 1887 occurred the popular 
sensation growing out of an alleged executive order 
for the return to the Confederates of the battle 
flags which had been captured from them by the 
Union forces during the late Civil War. Frothy 
party orators worked themselves and some mis- 
guided people into a state of intense excitement; 
virulent newspapers seized eagerly an opportunity 
to misrepresent the President and his party ; while 
a few Governors, like Foraker, of Ohio, pranced 
to the front with most vehement declarations that 
they would resist all attempts to tear from the 
custody of the States the flags captured by their 
troops — a proceeding which had, of course, never 
been contemplated except in their own imagina- 
tions. 

The simple facts of the matter were that for 
years past, with a growing feeling of friendliness 
between the North and South, and frequent ex- 
change of visits on the part of military organiza- 
tions that had faced each other with hostile front 
on the field, the return of captured battle flags 
had come into vogue. A number of these trophies 
in custody of the War Department at Washing- 
ton had been allowed under Republican Adminis- 
trations to be stowed away in a room in the sub- 
basement and were decaying rapidly when in 
1882 they were transferred to the Ordnance 



2 66 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

Museum. Adjutant- General Drum, noticing their 
increasing dilapidation, suggested that they be re- 
turned to the States from which the organizations 
carrying them had come. The President, without 
much reflection, assented to the idea, which, at 
most, was by no means so advanced a measure of 
reconciliation as many that had been urged by 
Sumner, Greeley, Lincoln, Grant, and other leading 
Republicans. As soon as it was recognized that 
the matter was to be made the subject of malig- 
nant representation the country over, the Presi- 
dent quietly gave the following direction revoking 
the order of Adjutant-General Drum : " I have 
considered it with more care, and finding the return 
of the flags not authorized by existing law nor 
justified by any existing act, request nothing fur- 
ther be done except to inventory and take mea- 
sures to preserve them." 

Sufficient pretext, however, had been afforded 
such men as Fairchild, of Wisconsin; Foraker, of 
Ohio; Tuttle, of Iowa, and others of their stripe to 
insult the President; and when, shortly after the 
flag episode, it was announced that he had been 
invited to visit St. Louis on the occasion of the 
National Encampment of the Grand Army of the 
Republic there, it was proclaimed by Tuttle and 
others that if Mr. Cleveland went he would be 
publicly insulted. This declaration of an offensive 
purpose injured only the authors of it, and Gen- 
eral Sherman publicly rebuked it in a letter June 



EXERCISE OF THE VETO TOWER. 26 J 

1 2th, in which he declared that the President 
was the Commander-in-chief of all the armies, 
free to go anywhere, and the idea of his being- 
insulted by any true soldier was monstrous. The 
President himself in a letter of characteristic 
dignity declined to visit St. Louis on this occasion ; 
but the citizens of Missouri, shamed by the con- 
duct of the Tuttles, Fairchilds, and Forakers, 
urged him to make another opportunity for them 
to show their respect for his high office and him- 
self. This invitation resulted in the tour and re- 
ception which have been previously described in 
these pages. 



CHAPTER XVt 

DEMOCRATIC TARIFF REFORM POLICY THE GREAT 

ISSUE OF l888. 

PRESIDENT CLEVELAND and his Ad- 
ministration had thus, during the first two 
years and a half of his term, inaugurated 
every minor reform that had been promised in 
the platform of the Convention which had nomi- 
nated him or in his own letters and speeches. 
But there was still a great work to be done. This 
was the liorhteninor of the burden of that taxation 
which had been borne by the country since the 
close of the war. Republican Administrations 
had tied up the debt still remaining unpaid in long- 
time bonds, none of which were payable before 
the year 1892, and the most of which run at an 
exorbitant rate of interest until the year 190/7. 
This had been done when there was nothing in 
the material condition of the country to demand 
the payment of four or four and a half per cent. 
interest on the debt about to be refunded. 

For many years even the party in power had 
perceived that the time would come when, while 
the money must continue to flow into the Treas- 
ury in undiminished volume, it could not be taken 
268 



DEMOCRATIC TARIFF REFORM POLICY. 2 6q 

out for any of the legitimate objects of govern- 
ment. So that during all of the Presidential term 
filled by Chester A. Arthur his Secretaries of the 
Treasury had insisted that a wise and discreet 
reduction of the tariff duties was imperative. In 
1883 a Tariff Commission was appointed, but its 
members turned out to be either interested manu- 
facturers themselves or their willing dupes. The 
result was a report which, while it recommended 
a reduction on certain lines of manufactured 
goods and enlarged the free list on some articles 
of almost no importance, really proposed a con- 
siderable increase on other articles necessary for 
the life and comfort of every element of our pop- 
ulation. Even this incongruous report was not 
accepted, but Congress proceeded to make from 
it a compromise scheme, the average reduction of 
which was less than four per cent., while the ine- 
qualities of classification and of tax were not 
removed. On some classes of goods these ine- 
qualities even became greater, experience soon 
proved, while the opportunities for fraud were in- 
creased. It was apparent after a trial of less than 
a year that the tariff must be revised on entirely 
different lines if taxes were to be reduced, and 
labor and capital relieved of the heavy load they 
had carried so long. The party in power, though 
mainly made up of men who were in favor of the 
theory called protection, i. e., the laying of a tax 
on importations for the benefit of the domestic 



270 



LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 



manufacturer and the alleged interest of the lab- 
orer. with incidental reference to the revenue 
needed for the Government, was not wholly com- 
posed of persons professing allegiance to this 
school of political economy. 

This had nominally been the dominant idea in 
the Whig party, of whose effects the Republican 
party became the legatee, but even its leaders 
never for a moment contemplated a tax on im- 
ports averaging nearly fifty per cent, on the entire 
list. A good proportion of the membership of the 
party had, however, , been drawn from the young 
and independent men, who from the years 1850 
to i860, had not been satisfied with the policy of 
the then existing political parties. The majority 
of these men were not attached to the idea'of pro- 
tection which has since become so popular with 
its beneficiaries as to acquire a sort of sacredness. 
So that in 1857, when the further reduction of the 
revenue tariff of 1846 was under discussion in 
Congress, two-thirds of the Representatives, and 
nearly all the Senators from New England, most 
of whom were adherents of the Republican party, 
voted in favor of the bill. Among these, was 
Henry Wilson of Massachusetts, who had raised 
himself from the humblest surroundings and was 
to live to become Vice-President of the United 
States; in a long speech in which he expressed the 
sentiments of his colleague, Mr. Sumner, as well as 
his own, he said : 



DEMOCRATIC TARIFF REFORM POLICY. 



271 



HENRY WILSON ON THE TARIFF IN 1857. 

"The manufacturers, Mr. Chairman, make no 
war upon the wool-growers. They' assume that 
the reduction of the duty on wool, or repeal of the 
duty altogether, will infuse vigor into that droop- 
ing interest, stimulate home production, and dim- 
inish the importation of foreign woolen manufac- 
turers, and afford a steady and increasing demand 
for American wool. They believe this policy will 
be more beneficial to the wool-growers, to the 
agricultural interests, than the present policy. 
The manufacturers of woolen fabrics, many of 
them men of large experience and extensive 
knowledge, entertain these views, and they are 
sustained in these opinions by the experience 
of the great manufacturing nations of the Old 
World. 

"Since the reductions of duties on raw mate- 
rials in England, since wool was admitted free, her 
woolen manufactures have so increased, so pros- 
pered, that the production of native wool has in- 
creased more than 100 percent. The experience 
of England, France, and Belgium demonstrates 
the wisdom of that policy which makes the raw 
material duty free. Let us profit by their example. 

"If our manufactures are to increase, to keep 
pace with the population and the growing wants 
of our people; if we are to have the control of 
the markets of our own country ; if we are to 



272 



LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 



meet with and compete with the manufacturers of 
England and other nations of Western Europe in 
the markets of the world, we must have our raw 
materials admitted duty free or at a mere nomi- 
nal rate. 

"We of New England believe that wool, es- 
pecially the cheap wools, manila, hemp, flax, raw 
silk, lead, tin, brass, hides, linseed, and many other 
articles used in our manufactories can be admit- 
ted dutyfree, or for a mere nominal duty, without 
injuring to any extent any considerable interest 
of the country." 

Further on he said: 

" In closing, Mr. Chairman, the remarks I have 
felt it my duty to submit to the Senate and the 
country, that the Commonwealth I represent on 
this floor — I say in part, for my colleague, Mr. 
Sumner, after an enforced absence of more than 
nine months, is here to-night to give his vote if he 
can raise his voice for the interest of his State — 
has a deep interest in the modification of the tariff 
of 1846 by this Congress. Her merchants, man- 
ufacturers, mechanics, and business men in all de- 
partments of a varied industry want action now 
before the Thirty-fourth Congress passes away. 

" They are for the reduction of the revenue to 
the actual wants of an economical administration 
of the Government; for the depletion of the 
Treasury, now full with millions of hoarded gold; 



DEMO CRA TIC TARIFF REFORM FOLIC Y. 273 

for a free-list embracing articles of prime neces- 
sity we do not produce ; for mere nominal duties 
on articles which make up alargeportion of our do- 
mestic industry, and for such an adjustment of the 
duties on the productions of other nations that 
come in direct competition with the product of 
American capital, labor, and skill as shall im- 
pose the least burdens on that capital, labor, and 
skill." 

Mr. Morrill, of Vermont, then a member of the 
House, now the patriarch of the Senate, expressed 
the opinion that the proposed duty of 20 per cent. 
on cutlery, edged tools, etc., was ample in spite 
of the fact that he has now announced his oppo- 
sition to a bill which makes a slight reduction in 
the present duty of 50 per cent, on the same class 
of goods ! 

JOHN SHERMAN IN 1 867. 

In 1867 John Sherman, of Ohio, in the course 
of a speech discussing the revenue question, said: 
" Every law imposing a duty on imported goods 
is necessarily a restraint on trade. It imposes a 
burden upon the purchase and sale of imported 
goods and tends to prevent their importation. 
The expression 'a free-trade tariff,' involves an 
absurdity." * * * "Every duty on imported mer- 
chandise oaves to the domestic manufacturer an 

o 

advantage equal to the duty, and to that extent 



2 74 



LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 



every tariff is a protective tariff." * * * "If you 
converse with intelligent men en orated in the 
business of manufacturing they will tell you that 
they are willing to compete with England, France, 
Germany, and all the countries of Europe at the 
old rates of duty. If you reduce their products 
to a specie basis, and put them upon the same 
footing they were on before the war, the present 
rates of duty would be too high. It would not be 
necessary for scarce any branch of industry to be 
protected to the extent of your present tariff law. 
They do not ask protection against the pauper 
labor of Europe, but they ask protection against 
the creation of your own laws." 

In March, 1872, in a speech discussing this ever 
present question, Mr. Sherman said: "I have 
listened with patience, day by day, to the state- 
ments of ecntlemen who are interested in our 
domestic productions. I am a firm believer in 
the general idea of protecting their industries, but 
I assure them, as I assure their representatives 
here, that if the present high rates of duty, unex- 
ampled in our country, and higher by nearly 50 
per cent, than they were in 1861, are maintained 
on metallic and textile fabrics after we have re- 
pealed the very internal taxes which gave rise to 
them, and after we have substantially given them 
their raw materials free of duties, we shall have a 
feeling of dissatisfaction among other interests 



DEMOCRATIC TARIFF REFORM POLICY. 



275 



in the country that will overthrow the whole system, 
and do greater harm than can possibly be done 
by a moderate reduction of the present rates of 
duty. And I am quite sure that intelligent men 
engaged in the production of various forms of 
textile and metallic fabrics feel as I do, that it is 
wiser and better to do what is just and right, to 
make a reduction on their products, at least to the 
extent of the reduction in this bill on the raw 
materials, rather than to invite a controversy in 
which I believe they will be in the wrong." * * * 
li The public mind is not yet prepared to apply 
the key to a genuine revenue reform. A few 
years of further experience will convince the 
whole body of our people that a system of 
national taxes, which rests the whole burden of 
taxation on consumption, and not one cent on 
property or income, is intrinsically unjust. While 
the expenses of the National Government are 
largely caused by the protection of property, it is 
but right to require property to contribute to 
their payment. It will not do to say that each 
person consumes in proportion to his means. This 
is not true. Every one must see that the con- 
sumption of the rich does not bear the same re- 
lation to the consumption of the poor as the in- 
come of the one does to the wa^es of the other. 
As wealth accumulates this injustice in the funda- 
mental basis of our system will be felt and forced 
upon the attention of Congress." 



276 



LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND 



PRESIDENT ARTHUR S VIEWS. 



President Arthur, in his annual message, trans- 
mitted to Congress in December, 1882, used the 
following language : " I recommend an enlarge- 
ment of the free list so as to include the numerous 
articles which yield inconsiderable revenue, a 
simplification of the complex and inconsistent 
schedule of duties upon certain manufactures, 
particularly cotton, iron, and steel, and a sub- 
stantial reduction of duties on those articles and 
on sugar, molasses, silk, wool, and woolen goods. " 

Charles J. Folger, Secretary of the Treasury, 
in his report to President Arthur, made at the 
same time, said : " The classes of merchandise 
paying the largest amount of duties from customs 
are the following: Sugar and molasses, wool 
and manufactures from it, iron and steel and the 
manufactures from them, manufactures of silk, 
manufactures of cotton. A substantial reduction 
upon each of the class of articles named is rec- 
ommended. And it is believed that the time has 
arrived when a reduction of duties on nearly ail the 
articles in the tariff is demanded and is feasible." 

In his annual report for 1884, Hugh McCulloch, 
President Arthur's last Secretary of the Treasury, 
concluded a long discussion of the revenue de- 
rived for customs duty with the following recom- 
mendations : — 

" First — That the existing duties upon raw 



DEMOCRATIC TAR IF/ REFORM POLICY. 2 J 'J 

material which are used in manufactures should 
be removed. This can be done in the interest of 
our foreign trade. 

" Second — That the duties upon the articles 
used or consumed by those who are least able to 
bear the burden of taxation should be reduced. 
This also can be effected without prejudice to our 
export trade." 

The Republican tariff platform of 1884 de- 
clared : 

" The Democratic party has failed completely 
to relieve the people of the burden of unneces- 
sary taxation by a wise reduction of the surplus. 
The Republican party pledges itself to correct the 
inequalities of the tariff and to reduce the sur- 
plus." 

CLEVELAND ON THE TARIFF. 

In his first annual message President Cleveland 
gave due attention to this question without con- 
ferring upon it that prominence it attained in late 
messages when the gravity of the case demanded 
more extended and more heroic treatment. 

He said : " A due regard for the interests and 
prosperity of all the people demands that our 
finance shall be established upon such a sound and 
sensible basis as shall secure the safety and con- 
fidence of business interests and make the wages 
of labor sure and steady ; and that our system of 
revenue shall be so adjusted as to relieve the 



278 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

people from unnecessary taxation, having a due 
regard to the interests of capital invested and of 
workingmen employed in American industries, 
and preventing the accumulation of a surplus in 
the Treasury to tempt extravagance and waste." 

In his second annual message, transmitted to 
Congress in December, 1886, the President en- 
larged upon the issue which was then assuming 
the first importance. His views are fairly re- 
flected in the following extracts: 

" Good government, and especially the govern- 
ment of which every American citizen boasts, has 
for its objects the protection of every person 
within its care in the greatest liberty consistent 
with the good order of society, and his perfect 
security in the enjoyment of his earnings, with the 
least possible diminution for public needs. When 
more of the people's substance is exacted through 
the form of taxation than is necessary to meet the 
just obligations of the Government and the ex- 
pense of its economical administration, such ex- 
action becomes ruthless extortion and a violation 
of the fundamental principles of a free Govern- 
ment. 

" Those who toil for daily wages are beginning 
to understand that capital, though sometimes 
vaunting its importance and clamoring for the 
protection and favor of the Government, is dull 
and sluggish, till, touched by the magical hand of 
labor, it springs into activity, furnishing an occa- 



DEMOCRA TIC TARIFF REFORM FOLIC Y. 2 79 

sion for Federal taxation and gaining the value 
which enables it to bear its burden. And the la- 
boring man is thoughtfully inquiring whether in 
these circumstances, and considering the tribute 
he constantly pays into the public Treasury as he 
supplies his daily wants, he receives his fair share 
of advantages. 

" There is also a suspicion abroad, that the sur- 
plus of our revenues indicates abnormal and ex- 
ceptional business profits, which, under the system 
which produces such surplus, increase, without 
corresponding benefit to the people at large, the 
vast accumulations of a few amonof our citizens 
whose fortunes, rivaling the wealth of the most 
favored in anti-democratic nations, are not the 
natural growth of a steady, plain, and industrious 
republic. 

" It has been the policy of the Government to 
collect the principal part of its revenues by a tax 
upon imports ; and no change in this policy is de- 
sirable. But the present condition of affairs con- 
strains our people to demand that by a revision 
of our revenue laws the receipts of the Govern- 
ment shall be reduced to the necessary expense 
of its economical administration ; and this demand 
should be recognized and obeyed by the people's 
representatives in the legislative branch of the 
Government. 

" In readjusting the burdens of Federal taxation, 
a sound public policy requires that such of our 



o^o LIFE 0F GR0VER CLEVELAND. 

citizens as have built up large and important 
industries under present conditions should not 
be suddenly and to their injury, deprived of ad- 
vantages to which they have adapted their business; 
but if the public good requires it, they should be 
content with such consideration as shall deal 
fairly and cautiously with their interests, while 
the just demand of the people for relief from 
needless taxation is honestly answered. A reason- 
able and timely submission to such a demand 
should certainly be possible without disastrous 
shock to any interest ; and a cheerful concession 
sometimes averts abrupt and heedless action, often 
the outgrowth of impatience and delayed justice. 
" Due regard should be also accorded, in any 
proposed readjustment, to the interests of 
American labor so far as they are involved. We 
coneratulate ourselves that there is amon^f us no 
laboring class, fixed within unyielding bounds and 
doomed under all conditions to the inexorable 
fate of daily toil. We recognize in labor a chief 
factor in the wealth of the Republic, and we treat 
those who have it in their keeping as citizens en- 
titled to the most careful regard and thoughtful 

o o 

attention. This regard and attention should be 
awarded them, not only because labor is the 
capital of our workingmen, justly entitled to its 
share of Government favor, but for the further 
and not less important reason, that the laboring 
man, surrounded by his family in his humble home, 



DEMO CRA Ti C TARIFF REFORM POLICY. 2 8 I 

as a consumer is vitally interested in all that 
cheapens the cost of living and enables him to 
brincr within his domestic circle additional com- 
forts and advantages. 

" This relation of the workingman to the reve- 
nue laws of the country, and the manner in which 
it palpably influences the question of wages, 
should not be forgotten in the justifiable promi- 
nence given to the proper maintenance of the 
supply and protection of well-paid labor. And 
these considerations suggest such an arrangement 
of Government revenues as shall reduce the ex- 
pense of living, while it does not curtail the op- 
portunity for work nor reduce the compensation 
of American labor, and injuriously affect its con- 
dition and the dignified place it holds in the esti- 
mation of our people. 

" But our farmers and agriculturists — those who 
from the soil produce the things consumed by 
all — are perhaps more directly and plainly con- 
cerned than any other of our citizens in a just 
and careful system of Federal taxation. Those 
actually engaged in and more remotely connected 
with this kind of work number nearly one-half of 
our population. None labor harder or more con- 
tinuously than they. No enactments limit their 
hours of toil, and no interposition of the Govern- 
ment enhances to any great extent the value of 
their products. And yet for many of the neces- 
saries and comforts of life, which the most scru- 



282 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

pulous economy enables them to bring into their 
homes, and for their implements of husbandry, 
they are obliged to pay a price largely increased 
by an unnatural profit which, by the action of the 
Government, is criven to the more favored manu- 
facturer. 

" I recommend that, keeping in view all these 
considerations, the increasing and unnecessary 
surplus of national income annually accumulating 
be released to the people by an amendment to 
our revenue laws which shall cheapen the price of 
the necessaries of life and give freer entrance to 
such imported materials as by American labor 
may be manufactured into marketable commodi- 
ties. Nothing can be accomplished, however, in 
the direction of this much-needed reform unless 
the subject is approached in a patriotic spirit of 
devotion to the interests of the entire country and 
with a willingness to yield something for the pub- 
lic crood." 

o 

SOUNDING A BATTLE CRY. 

But all that had crone before was the merest 

o 

child's play compared with the courage, the mag- 
nificent audacity of statesmanship, which the Pres- 
ident displayed in his third annual message, trans- 
mitted to the opening session of the Fiftieth Con- 
gress, in December, 1887. Rising to the occasion 
by casting all other issues aside, as unimportant 
in comparison with the reduction of revenues in 



DEMOCRA TIC TARIFF REFORM FOLIC K 283 

order to rid the country of a dangerous surplus, 
he devoted all his annual message to the consid- 
eration of this one question.* This document 
was brief to a decree which was comfortino- 
when the long, prosy messages usually sent to 
Congress by Presidents are considered. For 
once the people of the United States had a mes- 
sage they could read and did read. The effect 
was immediate. Public attention was focused 
upon this one great question as it had not been 
similarly directed to any issue since the absorbing 1 
days of the war. Young men not accustomed to 
such direct and pointed appeals were surprised, 
but their attention and their intelligence were 
aroused. Politicians who had been accustomed 
to discuss only the war and its cognate questions 
were amazed at the awful audacity of a President 
who did not so much as intimate anything about 
the various sections of the country. Some timid 
members of the President's own party were 
alarmed at his seeming willingness to intrust all 
his political eggs to one basket. The protected 
manufacturers who had fattened on a tariff were 
naturally alarmed. But the general feeling in 



* It has not been thought necessary or desirable in such a book as this 
to attempt to make extracts from the President's annual message of 1887. 
Every word would be essential to a knowledge of it. A complete appre- 
ciation of the leading issues of the present campaign can only be gained 
by a thorough study of this document, and of the speeches made in the 
House in support of it, all of which documents are supplied on application 
to the Democratic National Committee. 



284 L IFE 0F GR ° VER CLE y ELAND. 

the country was one of relief. Its politics had 
been drifting into a condition of torpidity, and 
the country, as was so well shown by the Presi- 
dent, was plunging into the most serious of 
perils. Great satisfaction was expressed among 
men of every avocation and party at the feeling 
that something more than a mere commonplace 
struecrle over the offices was now to begin. 
The message at once attracted the attention of 
the leaders of the Republican party, now in the 
minority and opposition. Mr. Blaine, ever eager 
to direct attention to himself, submitted himself to 
a newspaper interview in Paris. Senator Sher- 
man took occasion to make such reply from his 
place on the floor of the Senate as showed that 
he had forgotten his conservative and progressive 
words of former days. The press discussed the 
question from every point of view, and in every 
circle, from one end of the country to the other, 
the President's message became the one subject 
for conversation and discussion. 

The effect upon the lower House of Congress 
was no less important. The Committee on Ways 
and Means was selected with unusual care, and 
at once went to work to prepare a careful, conser- 
vative bill in line with the message. Such a bill 
was reported in due time, and the most extended 
and interesting discussion of the tariff issue heard 
in this country since the enactment of the Walker 
tariff was entered upon. The debate was opened 



DEMOCRA TIC TARIFF REFORM POLICY. 285 

with a speech by Roger Q. Mills, of Texas, Chair- 
man of the Committee of Ways and Means, 
which was one of the clearest and most luminous 
arguments ever presented before the Congress of 
the United States. Other members of the major- 
ity of the Committee, Messrs. Scott, Breckenridge, 
Wilson, and Bynum, together with the Speaker, Mr. 
Carlisle, and Messrs. Cox, Russell, Buckalew, and 
many of the Democratic members, Mr. Fitch, of 
New York, Mr. Nelson, of Minnesota, Republi- 
cans, spoke in favor of the principle of the 
bill. 

On the Republican side, the brunt of the debate 
was borne by Messrs. Kelley, McKinley,Reed, Bur- 
leigh, Boutelle, Buttervvorth, and Grosvenor. The 
only Democrat who arrayed himself against the 
bill was Mr. Randall, of Pennsylvania, whose 
speech was temperate in tone. 

In the meantime, this general discussion of the 
principles of the message spread into the State 
Conventions of the Democratic party, then just 
meeting to select delegates to the National Conven- 
tion called to meet at St. Louis on the fifth of June. 
Every such body in every State of the Union in- 
dorsed substantially the President's position, chose 
delegates in favor of his renomination, and in the 
majority of States commended the bill of the 
Ways and Means Committee to Democratic mem- 
bers of Congress Even in Pennsylvania, which 
had been for nearly a century coddled and cos- 



286 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

seted on a protective tariff, until its people had 
come to look upon themselves as the beneficiaries 
of the Government, the party broke away from the 
narrow trammels which had bound it and kept it 
out of harmony with the organization in the rest of 
:he country, and a strong platform was adopted, in 
which the action of the President was commended. 
The Temporary Chairman of the Convention, 
W. U. Hensel, and the Permanent Chairman, Ex- 
Senator William A. Wallace, both insisted upon 
the most outspoken utterance possible, and their 
advice was followed to the letter. 

The credit for this condition of the public mind 
must be awarded to the President. Seeing clearly 
the danger, appreciating the necessity for some 
bold utterance from one who could speak as with 
authority, he had the courage to do what he deemed 
his duty, and the result promises to be a better 
and more intelligent knowledge of the subject and 
the ultimate triumph of conservative ideas.* 

*At this writing, July ioth, the Mills bill, it seems almost certain, will 
pass the House by a nearly solid Democratic vote. It is not impossible 
that even a majority of the Senate will agree to a modified form of it. It 
is manifest the Republicans in Congress are divided in their views of 
tariff reform, and that a very respectable minority of them will not join in 
the obstruction of every effort to reduce duties. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

PERSONAL QUALITIES OF THE PRESIDENT A STRONG 

WILL GENIALITY OF DISPOSITION SOME STRIK- 
ING CHARACTERISTICS. 



^HE unanimous renomination of President 
Cleveland by die National Convention of 
his party — the proceedings of which as- 
semblage are narrated in full in succeeding pages 
of this volume* — was a fit acknowledgment of his 
strong leadership, and his victory over and sup- 
pression of all factional feeling. The platform of 
principles upon which his candidacy for a second 
term has been launched is a reflection of the sub- 
jects for popular attention that he had kept to 
the fore during his administration. Despite the 
loud murmurs of discontent that were for a 
time heard in the ranks of his own party, every 
element of opposition subsided before the Con- 
vention met; and no other name, however loudly 
proclaimed before as that of a possible competitor, 
was whispered in the proceedings of the Conven- 
tion nor in the preliminaries which led up to it. 
This result was achieved without any interposition 
on the President's own part, and, indeed, without 

* See " Record of the Convention." 

2S7 



288 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

any abandonment of the grounds which he took 
in his campaign of 1884 against a second term. 

For the principles of a genuine civil-service re- 
form which he espoused he gained substantial 
victory. He had under every circumstance and 
at all times declared himself a partisan and a 
Democrat. He said : " I believe in an open and 
sturdy partisanship which secures the legitimate 
advantages of party supremacy," and for his party 
he secured these. But he never wavered from 
the qualifying words with which he accompanied 
this declaration ; and the great body of independ- 
ent voters who had come to his support in 1884 
remain steadfast with him, and with largely in- 
creased numbers, because they have learned that 
he was sincere when he added, at the same time : 
" Parties were made for the people, and I am 
unwilling, knowingly, to give my assent to meas- 
ures purely partisan which will sacrifice or en- 
danger their interests." He complained bitterly, 
and sometimes impatiently, at the unreasonable- 
ness of his partisan adherents, who could not bide 
their time and the exercise of his own good judg- 
ment as to changes in office. He resented with 
hot indignation the impositions practiced and 
others attempted upon him in the zeal of parti- 
sans to reward their friends or to rid themselves 
of importunate office-hunters. The literature of 
our politics contains no more scorching correspon- 
dence than these two letters, respectively ad- 



PERSONAL QUALITIES. 29 1 

dressed to and written by the President — from and 
to whom matters nothing to the moral they point : 

INTERESTING CORRESPONDENCE. 

"Cincinnati, July 24th, 1885. 
"To the President, Washington, D. C. 

"Dear Sir: — This community read the an- 
nouncement of to the judgeship 

with astonishment and regret, if not pain, and none 
were more astonished than those who had signed 
his petition, and I regret to say that my name is 
to be found upon it. I have refused several whom 
I knew to be unfit, but I signed this one, thinking 
it would never be considered, and not for one 
moment believing the appointment was possible. 
When first presented to me I put him off and 
hoped to escape, but he came again with it, and, 
with others, I signed it, thinking there was no 
chance of its reaching even a consideration. It 
was signed by many prominent men who hated to 
refuse and hoped and thought it would result in 
nothing. 

" Yours, very respectfully, 



" Washington, August 1st, 1885. 

"Dear Sir: — I have read your letter with 

amazement and indignation. There is one — but 

one — mitigation to the perfidy which your letter 

discloses, and that is found in the fact you confess 



292 



LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 



your share in it. I don't know whether you are 
a Democrat or not, but if you are the crime which 
you confess is the more unpardonable. The idea 
that this Administration, pledged to give people 
better officers and en^a^ed in a hand-to-hand 
fight with the bad elements of both parties, should 
be betrayed by those who ought to be worthy of 
implicit trust, is atrocious, and such treason to the 
people and to the party ought to be punished by 
imprisonment. Your confession comes too late 
to be of immediate use to the public service, and 
I can only say that while this is not the first time 
I have been deceived and misled by lying and 
treacherous representations, you are the first one 
that has so frankly owned his grievous fault. If 
any comfort is to be extracted from this assur- 
ance you are welcome to it. 

"GROVER CLEVELAND.' 

Something of the same tone of resentment at 
the exaction of unreasonable professed friends of 
his policies is to be found in other letters of the 
President and not unfrequently in his State papers. 
In his Civil-Service reform letter to Dorman B. 
Eaton, upon the retirement of that gentleman 
from the Civil-Service Commission, Sept. nth, 
1885, Mr. Cleveland said: " Of course, there 
should be no surrender of principle, no backward 
step ; and all laws for the enforcement of the re- 
form should be rigidly enforced ; but the benefits 



PERSONAL QUALITIES. 293 

which its principles promise will not be fully pro- 
duced unless the acquiescence of the people is 
added to the stern assertion of doctrine and the 
vigorous execution of the laws. It is a source of 
congratulation that there are so many friends of 
Civil-Service reform marshaled on the principal 
side of the question, and that the number is not 
greater of those who profess friendliness for the 
cause and yet mischievously and with supercilious 
air discredit every effort not in exact accord with 
their attenuated ideas, decry with carping criticism 
the labor of those actually in the field of reform, 
and, ignoring the conditions which bind and qualify 
every struggle for a radical improvement in the 
affairs of government, demand complete perfec- 
tion." 

A STRONG AND SELF-RELIANT MAN. 

If these and like expressions lay him open to 
the charge of querulousness, it must be remem- 
bered they are the natural outgivings of a strong, 
independent, brave, industrious, and honest man. 
Strength of will-power, inflexible courage, inde- 
fatigable industry and unquestionable honesty are 
his characteristics, not unmixed with a keen sense 
of the humorous, sly sarcasm, and a generous, 
sympathetic heart. Untiring himself, he expects 
of his subordinates official industry, without shirk- 
ing. His habit is to stay up late at nights if ne- 
cessary for the completion of his tasks, He took 



294 



LIFE OF GROVER CLEVELAND. 



with him from Albany — where his close exami- 
nation of details was the marvel of those about 
him — to the sphere of his enlarged labors at 
Washington this habit of thorough examination 
into the entire aspect of every case. It lias hap- 
pened, not rarely, that a member of his Cabinet, 
after submitting to him a matter in general, found 
his chief next day more familiar with all the details 
of it than he himself, although it may have required 
the better hours of the nioht to master them. 
Withal, early rising and regular hours aid him to 
the dispatch of enormous quantities of business, 
without rendering himself inaccessible to the cort- 
stantly increasing demands of personal visitors, 
and without neglect of those numerous social 
duties which have been discharged so graciously 
by the present occupants of the White House as 
to make their period one of the most brilliant ever 
known in the history of the Presidential household. 

A FRIEND OF LABOR. 

A laborer himself, in the broadest significance 
of the term, he has always been a faithful friend 
and zealous ally of every effort to improve the 
condition of those who, by the toil of their hands, 
have come to be regarded as the laboring men of 
the country. In a special message, April 2 2d, 
1886, he paid this tribute to their rights: 

"Under our form of government the value of 
labor as an element of national prosperity should 



PERSONAL QUALITIES, 295 

be distinctly recognized, and the welfare of the 
laboring man should be regarded as especially 
entitled to legislative care. In a country which 
offers to all its citizens the highest attainment of 
social and political distinction its workingmen 
cannot justly or safely be considered as irre- 
vocably consigned to the limits of a class and 
entitled to no attention and allowed no protest 
aofainst neglect. 

"The laboring man, bearing in his hand an in- 
dispensable contribution to our growth and pro- 
gress, may well insist, with manly courage and as 
a right, upon the same recognition from those who 
make our laws as is accorded to any other citizen 
having a valuable interest in charge ; and his 
reasonable demands should be met in such a spirit 
of appreciation and fairness as to induce a con- 
tented and patriotic co-operation in the achieve- 
ment of a grand national destiny. 

" While the real interests of labor are not pro- 
moted by a resort to threats and violent manifes- 
tations, and while those who, under the pretexts 
of an advocacy of the claims of labor, wantonly 
attack die rights of capital, and for selfish pur- 
poses or the love of disorder sow seeds of vio- 
lence and discontent, should neither be encouraged 
nor conciliated, all legislation on the subject should 
be calmly and deliberately undertaken, with no 
purpose of satisfying unreasonable demands or 
gaining partisan advantage." 



296 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

THE DOMESTIC VIRTUES. 

Appreciative of the necessity of preserving the 
purity of the family as the unit of our social sys- 
tem, Mr. Cleveland early set his face against the 
polygamous practices of the Mormon Society in 
Utah, and in one of his messages he said : 

"The strength, the perpetuity, and the destiny 
of the Nation rest upon our homes, established 
by the law of God, guarded by parental care, reg- 
ulated by parental authority, and sanctified by 
parental love. 

" These are not the homes of polygamy. 

" The mothers of our land, who rule the Nation 
as they mold the characters and guide the actions 
of their sons, live according to God's holy ordi- 
nances, and each, secure and happy in the exclu- 
sive love of the father of her children, sheds the 
warm light of true womanhood, unperverted and 
unpolluted, upon all within her pure and whole- 
some family circle. 

" These are not the cheerless, crushed, and un- 
womanly mothers of polygamy. 

" The fathers of our families are the best citi- 
zens of the Republic. Wife and children are the 
sources of patriotism, and conjugal and parental 
affection beget devotion to the country. The man 
who, undefiled with plural marriage, is surrounded 
in his single home with his wife and children, has 
a stake in the country which inspires him with re- 
spect for its laws and courage for its defense. 



PERSONAL QUALITIES. 2C)J 

" These are not the fathers of polygamous fam- 
ilies. 

"There is no feature of this practice, or the 
system which sanctions it, which is not opposed to 
all that is of value in our institutions." 

At the same time he regarded with scrupulous 
care the political rights which every citizen of the 
Republic possesses, and he never countenanced 
against the deluded people of the Utah theocracy 
the proscriptive campaign of persecution with fire 
and blood that has been so often recommended by 
impracticable reformers, and so eagerly awaited by 
hungry spoilsmen. The consequence is that af- 
ter twenty-five years of thunder in the index on 
the part of the Republican party, without any cure 
of the constantly increasing social evils in Utah, 
within three years of the firm, resolute, and con- 
siderate Cleveland Administration there has been 
accomplished in Salt Lake City a social revolu- 
tion which has already well-nigh eradicated polyg- 
amy, without the destruction of vested rights and 
without assault upon the lawful accumulations of 
a system of thrift and industry that no decent hu- 
man instincts could have desired to steal and de- 
spoil. 

CHARACTER AND CHARACTERISTICS. 

With a high and even stern .sense of official 
duty, the sympathies of the President are easily 
aroused. In the circles where he is most intimately 



A Biographical Sketch 



OF 



ALLEN GRANBERRY THURMAN, 



EX-SENATOR FROM THE STATE OF OHIO, 



DEMOCRATIC NOMINEE FOR VICE-PRESIDENT OF 
THE UNITED STATES, 1888. 



11 Rich in saving common sense." 



" O good, gray head which all men knew, 
O voice from which their omens all men drew, 
O iron nerve to true occasion true." 



" His rank in the Senate was established from the day he took his seat, 
and was never lowered during the period of his service," — Blaine s 
Twenty Years of Congress, 



::/>:;■::■:■'■■:/."■ 



wmm 




f^s**^ 





\J7 cT/^tyz yy -? 



CHAPTER I. 

THE OFFICE OF VICE-PRESIDENT. 

IN the Federal Convention of " our wise an* 
cestors," who framed that Constitution under 
which, with slight changes, the Government 
has been administered successfully for more than 
a century, the office of President, as it now exists, 
and the mode of filling it, were not created and 
adopted without serious variances of opinion and 
repeated changes of plan. 

In the article on President and Vice-President, 
as finally adopted, it was provided that each elec- 
tor could vote for two persons as his choice for 
President without expressing any preference or 
distinction. The failure of any candidate to 
receive a clear majority of all the votes cast, or a 
tie resulting between the highest two candidates, 
each with a majority — events not unlikely to occur 
in the manifold political divisions of that day — was 
provided for by the regulation that the House of 
Representatives, voting by States, should make 
choice between the two tied, or among the high- 
est five of whom none had received a majority. 
The same article provided, however, that after 
the choice of President, the next highest electoral 

3^5 



306 LIFE OF ALLEN G. TIWRMAN. 

vote should designate the Vice-President ; and 
only in the event of a tie should the election to 
that office be referred to Congress, and then to 
the Senate, voting individually, and not to the pop- 
ular branch nor to a vote by States. 

To the office of Vice-President itself, created 
rather grudgingly, objection was made. " Such 
an officer as Vice-President," said Williamson, "is 
not wanted." Says Bancroft: "To make an ex- 
cuse for his existence the Convention decreed that 
he should be President of the Senate." The 
peculiar powers, duties, and significance of it have 
always been more or less the subject of conten- 
tion. John Adams, the first Vice-President, said to 
the Senate: " Gentlemen, I do not know whether 
the framers of the Constitution had in view the two 
Kings of Sparta, the two Consuls of Rome, or the 
two Suffetes of Carthage when they formed it — the 
one to have all the power while he held it, and the 
other to be nothing. Gentlemen, I feel great 
difficulty how to act. I am possessed of two 
separate powers — the one in esse, the other in posse, 
I am Vice-President. In this I am nothing, but I 
may be everything. But I am President also of 
the Senate. When the President comes into the 
Senate what shall I be ? I wish, gentlemen, to 
think what I shall be." Years a^o the Senate 
took away from the Vice-President and assumed 
for itself the power to appoint the working com- 
mittees of that body ; and except to preside in the 



OFFICE OF VICE-PRESIDENT. 3O/ 

Senate, and cast the deciding vote in case of a tie 
it has been left to the Vice-President only to 
await the contingency pointed out by that section 
of the Federal Constitution which says : " In case 
of the removal of the President from office, or of 
his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the 
powers and duties of the said office, the same 
shall devolve on the Vice-President, and the 
Congress may by law provide* for the case of re- 
moval, death, resignation or inability, both of the 
President and Vice-President, declaring what 
officer shall then act as President, and such officer 
shall act accordingly, until the disability be re- 
moved, or a President shall be elected." 

Under the original scheme of the Constitution 
as framed by its authors, John Adams being the 
second choice of a majority of the Electoral 
College for President, both at the first and sec- 
ond elections of Washington, became the Vice- 
President, although George Clinton, Republican, 
received fifty electoral votes in 1792 to seventy- 
seven for Adams. In the sharply contested strug- 
gle of 1796, Thomas Jefferson came within two 
votes of the Presidency, and, receiving more votes 
than the Federalist candidate for Vice-President, 
he was chosen to the second place in an Admin- 
istration of which the Chief was his political antag- 
onist. 

* Congress has recently provided that in such cases the Secretary of 
State shall act as President pending the new election. 



308 LIFE 0F ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

It was not until after the treachery of Aaron 
Burr in 1801, forcing a tie vote between him and 
his Chief in the Electoral College, had opened the 
eyes of the people to the danger of their real 
choice being obstructed by the uncertain machin- 
ery of that cumbersome device, that such change 
was made in the plan of electing the President 
and Vice-President as tended to more directly se- 
cure the real expression of the popular will. By 
the Twelfth Amendment, proposed by Congress 
in 1803 and promptly ratified by the States, it was 
prescribed that henceforth electors should desig- 
nate distinctly their one choice for President and 
for Vice-President ; that " the person having the 
greatest number of votes as Vice-President shall 
be the Vice-President, if such number be a ma- 
jority of the whole number of electors appointed; 
and if no person have a majority, then from the 
two highest numbers on the list the Senate shall 
choose the Vice-President; a quorum for the pur- 
pose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole num- 
ber of Senators, and a majority of the whole num- 
ber shall be necessary to a choice." By the same 
Amendment an oversight of the original instru- 
ment was corrected in the enactment that "no 
person Constitutionally ineligible to the office of 
President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President 
of the United States." 

Burr, of course, failed of re-election to the 
Vice-Presidency ; under Jefferson's second Ad- 



OFFICE OF VICE-PRESIDENT. 309 

ministration and in the first of Madison's terms 
George Clinton brought to the Vice-Presidency 
an honored name, worth, and fit dignity. Hlbridge 
Gerry, elected Vice-President to Madison, died 
suddenly in the second year of his term ; Daniel 
D. Tompkins, who went into office and out of it 
with Monroe, in the uneventful era of good feel- 
ing, was a more conspicuous statesman before 
than after he became Vice-President; John C. 
Calhoun, previously distinguished as a Represen- 
tative and by brilliant Cabinet service, became 
Vice-President by the mutual consent of the fierce 
Adams and Jackson factions in the electoral strug- 
gle of 1824, but differed almost throughout 
his Administration from President John Quincy 
Adams, and was an active party to the combina- 
tion which defeated him. 

Personal and political alienation and a revival 
of the old troubles between Monroe's War Secre- 
tary and the chief captain of the Seminole War 
soon produced a far more violent rupture between 
Jackson and Calhoun than had ever occurred 
between Adams and Calhoun, ensuing in the let- 
ter's resignation of the Vice-Presidency and his 
antagonism of Van Buren. Then followed Van 
Buren's own political ascendency, first as Vice- 
President, then as President, to be succeeded by 
his defeat, even after Calhoun had become recon- 
ciled to his support. 

Richard M. Johnson, the Van Buren candidate 



3io 



LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 



for Vice-President, failed of election in the Elect- 
oral College ; he only received 147 electoral votes, 
while his Chief had 1 70, the number necessary to 
a choice being 148. 

The election being referred to the Senate, 
Johnson was chosen by $$ votes to 16 for Francis 
Granger, the highest Whig candidate. 

During the first thirteen Presidential terms, 
covering the period from 1789^0 1841, none of 
the eight Presidents died, resigned, or had been 
impeached, and no one of the twelve persons who 
within that period had acted as Vice-Presidents 
had ever succeeded to the higher place. That 
experience came to the country early in the Ad- 
ministration of Harrison, who died after a month 
in office, and John Tyler became his successor. 
His choice as a candidate on the Whig ticket of 
1840 had been directed by a desire to secure the 
support of an element different from that which 
was rallied by Harrison's name ; and Tyler's de- 
fection from Whig principles and policies, which 
might have been reasonably expected, called forth 
for him bitter denunciation from his late sup- 
porters and added the word " Tylerize " to our 
political nomenclature. John Tyler's estrange- 
ment from the party which made Harrison Presi- 
dent ought to have taught the politicians that they 
had not, by the policy pursued in the selections 
they made for Vice-President, avoided the dangers 
which it had been sought to obviate by the con- 



OFFICE OF VICE-PRESIDENT. 3 I I 

stitutional amendment of 1803. But the lesson 
has not always been heeded. Since 1841 it hap- 
pened, within a period no longer than the space 
of a generation, that three Vice-Presidents suc- 
ceeded to vacancies caused by death ; none of 
them united his party in support of his Adminis- 
tration, nor attained by election the office to 
which he came by accident, though all aspired to 
it. 

Fillmore was chosen Vice-President by the same 
electors who made Taylor President, but his 
signature to the Fugitive Slave Law, approved 
by a vote of 227 to 60 in the next National Con- 
vention of his party, lost him a renomination. 
William R. Kind's lone career of usefulness and 
distinction was crowned with election to the Vice- 
Presidency ; and a graceful grant by Congress 
gave him permission to take the oath of office in 
Cuba, where, on March 4th, 1853, he was sojourn- 
ing for his health. 

John C. Breckenridge's name was a fit one to 
be associated with any Democratic candidate 
and to be honored by election in 1856. He 
was the nominee of one wing of his party, 
in its fatal dissensions of i860, for the highest 
place. Hamlin's defeat for renomination, in 1864, 
was due to a spirit of concession to the Southern 
Loyalists, and resulted in the Johnson succession 
to the murdered Lincoln, with all the train of 
political complications that followed, Colfax's de~ 



3 1 2 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

feat for renomination as Vice-President with 
Grant is ascribed to the hostility of the newspaper 
correspondents, whose righteous wrath he had 
provoked. Mr. Wheeler " glided through the 
official routine " of Hayes' term to be submerged 
by the obscurity which settled upon the whole of 
that Administration ; while Arthur shared the fate 
of Fillmore — in seeing his policy almost unan- 
imously indorsed by his party and himself rejected 
by that dominant faction which had chosen the 
head of the ticket in 1880, and completed it with 
a view to reconcile the disappointed elements of 
the Convention, having no thought to the re- 
mote contingency of the Presidential succession. 
Since John C. Calhoun's day no Vice-President 
has ever been re-elected, and no man who became 
President by succession has been subsequently 
elected to the office 



CHAPTER II. 

THE LINEAGE AND YOUTH OF THURMAN. 



A 



LTHOUGH the name of Allen Granberry 
Thurman has been a household word 
with the Democracy of the whole coun- 
try for twenty years, and during- all that period 
he has stood in the front rank among its leaders, 
the nomination to the Vice-Presidency in 1888 
came to him as the result of no seeking nor soli- 
citation on his part, and with no thought as to the 
effect of his election upon a political career al- 
ready well rounded out. Twice before his name 
had been greeted with loud acclaim in the National 
Conventions, when mentioned in connection with 
the highest place, and of late years he had 
shunned rather than sought political distinction. 
He had come to prefer the ease and seclusion of 
private life, with only occasional sallies into the 
fields where he had won the highest professional 
and political honors, to the turmoil of the battle 
in whose fiercest passages he had so often by 
stubborn resistance or brilliant onset turned de- 
feat to victory for his party. 

This present sketch will deal with his career, 
therefore, as that of one whose fame is already 

3 l 3 



3 I 4 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

established, whose name is familiarly known, and 
whose career is the possession and the pride of a 
large portion of his fellow-countrymen. 

A citizen of Ohio during the three decades in 
which that Commonwealth has achieved and kept 
its place as of third importance in the sisterhood 
of the Union, his name illustrates a very large 
part of its history and combines the surnames of 
two families who have given lustre to Ohio's 
escutcheon. In the Federal Capitol, in that hall 
where, by the invitation of the nation, each State 
places the statues of two of its most distinguished 
sons, Ohio has set side by side with the figure of 
Garfield, the last President from that State, the 
commanding statue of William Allen. That 
brilliant lawyer, strong-minded statesman, and 
powerful orator was the brother of Allen G. 
Thurman's mother and the companion and pre- 
ceptor of the son. 

THE THURMANS AND ALLENS. 

On both sides, through the strain alike of his 
paternal and of his maternal ancestors, Allen 
Granberry Thurman inherits that " good blood " 
which it is the just pride of every democratic 
American citizen to trace through forerunners 
who were honest, industrious, and intelligent men 
and women, from whatever land they came and 
in whatever vocation they worked and walked 
upright. Nathan Thurman, a Virginia planter 



LINEAGE AND YOUTH OF THURMAN. 3 I 5 

and Baptist preacher, born in Prince Edward 
County, January 17th, 1743, was a son of Richard 
and Sarah Thurman ; his ancestors came of good 
Saxon stock ; their character fits a name that in 
every language where its root is found signifies 
the true, strong, manly qualities which have ever 
characterized the race. He was a volunteer in 
the Indian Wars which preceded the Revolution, 
and he bore arms and a patriotic part in the larger 
struggle for our independence and self-govern- 
ment. August 5th, 1760, Nathan Thurman mar- 
ried Rebecca Jennings, of Virginia family, and 
Heaven blessed them with twelve children, nearly 
all of whom lived to advanced ages. Of these, 
Pleasant was born in Pittsylvania County, Vir- 
ginia, October 23d, 1783, and died at Chillicothe, 
Ohio, February 1.3th, 1856. He was the father of 
Allen G., and early in life he devoted himself to 
the ministry of the divine gospel. He was or- 
dained a deacon of the Methodist Episcopal 
Church February 3d, 1808 ; an elder February J 
14th, 1 8 10, and he traveled the circuit as an 
itinerant preacher for seven years. He was 
pastor at Edenton, N. C, in 1811, and on the 
2 1 st of May, that year, he was married to Mary 
G. Allen, the daughter of a prominent citizen of 
that State. 

Nathaniel Allen and family emigrated from 
England in the ship that brought hither William 
Penn, founder of the liberal and progressive 



3 I 6 LIFE OF ALLEN G. TIIURMAiY. 

Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, late in the 
seventeenth century. The family lived in Phila- 
delphia for many years, and a great-grandson, 
Nathaniel again, married Sarah Hewes, who was a 
sister of Joseph Hewes, one of the signers of the 
Declaration of Independence. Of the children of 
this union the eldest two sons, Joseph and Aaron, 
were sent to Oxford, England, to be educated. 
Aaron died there, and the illness of Joseph ter- 
minated fatally on his homeward ocean voyage. 
Hannah, the eldest daughter, married Robert 
Gill, a sea captain in the East India trade, and 
subsequently Washington's appointee as Naval 
Agent at Philadelphia. Three daughters remained 
unmarried, and Mary, the youngest, became the 
wife of Captain Davis, of Alexandria, Va. Na- 
thaniel Allen, the youngest son, born in Philadel- 
phia April ioth, 1755, died in North Carolina in 
1805, at the age of nine was adopted by his 
uncle, the Signer, and his career was achieved in 
North Carolina. He did ofallant service for Inde- 
pendence during the Revolution, served in the 
Legislature, and had honorable success as a mer- 
chant. Mary Dawson was his first wife ; she 
died young, and in 1781 he married Mary, daugh- 
ter of Joseph and Christianna Granberry. His 
second wife died at the early age of thirty-two, 
and of her two children, Joseph Henry and 
Mary Granberry, the latter became the mother of 
Allen G. Thurman. She was born in Edenton, 



LINEAGE AND YOUTH OF THURMAN. 317 

North Carolina, October 20th, 1789, and died in 
Chillicothe, Ohio, in 1S51, just about the time her 
son attained the highest judicial honors of his 
adopted State. Nathaniel Allen contracted a 
third marriage, and four other sons were born to 
him, of whom the youngest, William, born De- 
cember, 1803, afterward removed from Virginia 
to Ohio and became United States Senator and 
Governor. 

ALLEN G. THURMAN'S BOYHOOD. 

In the course of his ministrations as an itiner- 
ant, Pleasant Thurman moved to Lynchburg, Vir- 
ginia, in the neighborhood of his family estates, 
and there his eldest son, Allen Granberry, was 
born at 3.30 p. m., November 13th, 181 3. He was 
baptized by Bishop McKendree January 30th, 
1 8 14, when the holy man conferred upon him the 
two honorable names which his mother bore. 

Of the other children of that marriage, two sons 
and five daughters, none survived except the 
youngest sister of Allen, Henrietta Jennings, the 
wife of Rev. C. Riemensnyder, of Lancaster, Pa., 
to whom and her family the great ex-Senator 
makes frequent fraternal visits. 

When Pleasant Thurman's father grew older 
and an increasing feeling of dissatisfaction with 
the slavery system, as well as inability to manage 
his negroes, strongly induced him to make a change 
of life, he prevailed upon his son to cease his active 



3*8 



LIFE OF ALLEN G. TIIUKMAN. 



ministry and remove to Madison, Amherst County, 
Virginia, across the James River from Lynchburg; 
there these early emancipators set about the 
practical operation of freeing their bondsmen, and 
yet they sought to care for their moral and spirit- 
ual welfare to a degree uncommon among the 
slaveholders. It was only to be expected from the 
self-denying spirit of those whose desire to man- 
umit their slaves had induced them to yield their 
property as a sacrifice to humanity and freedom. 
Beyond the Ohio River, to the Northwest, lay not 
only the greatest future development of the coun- 
try but the land of liberty, where to free the 
bondsman from his chains was to open to him 
opportunity. 

The elder Mrs. Thurman then being dead, the 
family, their personal effects, stock, and negroes, 
numbering eighteen grown males, wives and 
children, were transported by wagon, pack-horse, 
and on foot, through wilderness, over mountains, 
by bridle path and forest road, to the borders of 
the Ohio River, and there ferried across. Once 
landed on the other side, the negroes were set 
free. They danced with joy at being declared no 
longer slaves. But in whatever humane spirit 
conceived, their emancipation was of doubtful 
advantage to the males, unused to and unfitted 
for judicious exercise of their new privileges, and 
many of them became idle and vicious; one "Black 
Sam," the smartest and worst of the lot, for whom 



LINEAGE AND YOUTH OF THURMAN. 319 

his late master had been offered $ 1,000, served 
several terms in the State prison, where he met a 
number of his companions of greater or less 
offending. The women, as a rule, turned out bet- 
ter, and by industry supported their families. 

On November 29th, 18 19, when his father set 
out for Ohio, young Allen G. Thurman was barely 
six years old, and almost his first well remembered 
experiences of life were in a State to which his 
ancestors had been strangers, and which was itself 
then in only a formative condition. He could 
have had no recollection of that memorable day 
not lonor after the battle of New Orleans, when, 
in his native town of Lynchburg, Thomas Jeffer- 
son, walking side by side with Andrew Jackson, 
amid all the demonstrations of popular rejoicing, 
presented a spectacle calculated to impress a child 
with Democratic tendencies that would last through 
life. 

The Thurman family settled in Chillicothe, then 
a flourishing town of the new Commonwealth, and 
the father, a man of culture and scholarship, bore 
his part in the moral and material development of 
the neighborhood by teaching in the village schools 
and by attention to his business interests, which 
consisted of two-thirds ownership in a woolen 
mill. He was not without honor in his community 
and was elected Burgess and Justice of the Peace 
for two terms. 

The lad's education was largely directed, and 



/ 



320 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

in him were planted the seeds of self-reliant 
character and refined culture, by his mother, a 
woman of strength and nobility of mind. Young 
Allen attended the High School, and subsequently 
the Academy — one of those admirable training 
schools of liberal education and classical culture 
that have been, alas ! too generally uprooted by 
what we are pleased to call more " popular " 
schemes of instruction. Out of that institution, 
which, like others of its kind the country over, was 
the nursery of many brilliant intellects, the boy 
Thurman saw, with grievous disappointment, many 
of his companions go to the larger advantages of 
college life, and it is related that when they 
mounted the stage to leave, his disappointment 
was so grievous that he lay down on a flat grave- 
stone in the Presbyterian graveyard and poured 
out his lamentations in passionate tears for hours. 

INTELLECTUAL AND PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT. 

Youthful as he was, he had undaunted spirit, 
and speedily recovered from his passing grief. 
He determined with the books and chance he had 
to outstrip even his more fortunate fellows, and 
applied himself to every study with a resolute 
purpose to master it. The light was often burn- 
ing in his room, as he pored over his books, until 
the coming dawn chased his weary head to its 
pillow. As early as at fourteen years of age he 



LINEAGE AND YOUTH OF THURMAN. 32 I 

taught school, walking three miles into the coun- 
try to do his daily task. He worked at surveying 
to help his father and to contribute to larger edu- 
cational advantages for himself. He returned to 
the Academy after having made of himself a thor- 
ough mathematician and skilled surveyor, and 
acquired thorough knowledge of Latin, though 
never taking kindly to Greek. Close application 
had worn him down bodily, and he spent, to great 
physical profit, a year in surveying lands for 
owners and occupants in the Virginia military 
district, that section of Ohio lying between the 
Scioto and Miami Rivers, over which Ohio had ju- 
risdiction but which Virginia had reserved for the 
benefit of her Revolutionary soldiers. Many of 
these beneficiaries sold their warrants to specu- 
lators, and for extensive locators like Governor 
McArthur, Wallace, Latham, and others, young 
Thurman did a great deal of work in runnine lines 
and designating grants. Besides this occupation, 
he served as a clerk in the town post-office, and 
with his earnings then, as ever since, he was gen- 
erous in filial and fraternal attention. 

To the accomplishments which years of hard 
study, crowned by early graduation from the 
Academy with high honors gave him, Thurman 
in early life added a knowledge of French that was 
rare in his day and is not frequent even among 
public men of distinction in this generation. This 
circumstance he owed somewhat to the watchful 



322 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

care and culture of his mother, and to the addi- 
tional fact of his association with Professor Gre- 
goire, a Frenchman, who, disappointed in land 
speculations, came to Chillicothe as a teacher of 
French, and whose motherless little daughter be- 
came, at the instance of the kind-hearted Mrs. 
Thurman, an inmate of her household and a com- 
panion to her boy. 

Besides his exercise in the fields and woods as 
a surveyor, an occasional indulgence in a deer 
hunt, a ride with the hounds, and two months ser- 
vices as assistant tax collector aided to rebuild 
his physical constitution and to strengthen him 
for the arduous duties which in the ^reat career 
that lay before him were to tax and try extraor- 
dinary powers of bodily endurance. 




CHAPTER III. 

MR. THURMAN AS A LAWYER AT THE BAR AND ON 

THE BENCH. 

"^HE Chillicothe Bar fifty years ago was a 
strong one. William Allen had walked 
over the mountains from Virginia to the 
new Commonwealth, trusting his fortunes to the 
never failing aid of his half-sister, Allen G. Thur- 
man's mother, and her husband, who had settled 
in Chillicothe. Under their wise direction, and 
with their generous help, Allen had completed his 
academic and leqfal studies and attained a hi^h 
place at the bar. The elder Thomas Ewing, 
Judge Scott, Colonel King, Henry Stanberry, 
William Creighton, Benjamin F. Leonard, and H. 
H. Hunter are the names of some others whose 
eloquence, wit, and learning were at once the ad- 
miration and the fear of the ambitious young law 
student of that day in Ross County, Ohio. The 
mother of young Thurman and his uncle were 
agreed in their counsel that he should study law, 
and a place as student was given to him in the 
office of William Allen. He applied himself with 
the assiduity that marked his school experience 
and which has been the foundation of nearly every 

great success in the legal profession. 

3 2 3 



< 



324 L1FE OF ALLEN G. Til UR MAN. 

Meantime his preceptor had been elected to 
Congress. Governor Lucas was then the Chief 
Executive of Ohio — subsequently he became 
Governor of Iowa Territory. He knew young 
Thurman as an active Democrat already, and in 
the winter of 1834 the Governor wrote to him 
that his private secretary was going to Cincinnati 
and he wanted Thurman to take his place. He ac- 
cepted it and went to Columbus, but in connection 
with his official duties continued his law studies 
with Judge Swayne, afterward Justice of the 
Supreme Court of the United States. In May, 
1835, he found himself prepared for examination 
for admission to the bar. The Judges of the 
court were then sitting at Washington, Fayette 
County, and would not get to Chillicothe before 
November. He went down to Washington, 
stood the public examination then in vogue with 
credit to himself and with satisfaction to the Com- 
mittee of the bar and to the bench, and was ad- 
mitted to practice in the courts of Ohio. 

AT THE BAR. 

He returned to Chillicothe and very soon formed 
a partnership with his distinguished uncle. Mr. 
Allen being elected to the United States Senate 
in 1836, virtually quit the practice of law, and 
the work of the office fell almost entirely upon 
young Thurman. His shoulders bore it well. 

The judicial district in which Chillicothe was lo- 



MR. TIIURMAN AS A LAWYER. ^~ 

cated comprised the four counties of Ross, Pike, 
Jackson, and Fayette, and in these four lay the 
young lawyer's practice. He rode from one 
county seat to the other on horseback, and in ten 
years practice he never missed a court in any one 
of the counties on the circuit. No lawyer ever 
worked harder ; he was alike at home in every 
branch of practice, although he early became dis- 
inclined to and gradually abandoned the petty 
criminal business. 

His first case came to him in this fashion : He 
was about setting out for the Jackson County 
Court when Colonel William T. Murphy, one of 
the older lawyers of Chillicothe, hailed him with a 
request that he take charge of a suit for him 
there. In the Congressional contest between 
William Allen, Democrat, and Duncan McArthur, 
Whig, who had abandoned the attempt to be re- 
elected Governor to make this fWht, William 
Allen had been elected by one vote. Murphy had 
run as a "bolting" Independent Democratic can- 
didate, mainly to beat Allen. Chagrined at his 
failure by so close a shave, he was not in a partic- 
ularly amiable mood with his Jackson County 
client, one Wilber, a Yankee, who, though a de- 
voted friend professionally, was too ardent a Dem- 
ocrat to vote for a " bolter," and had stuck to Al- 
len in the canvass just closed. He especially ag- 
gravated Murphy by claiming that his own single 
vote had elected Allen ; and, whether from this or 



2,26 LITE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN, 

some other cause, Murphy was unwilling- to go 
over and try his case. Young Thurman felt dim- 
dent about undertaking it. Being pressed, how- 
ever, he took Murphy's brief and devoted himself 
to close study of it as he rode horseback to Jack- 
son. He soon discovered that the action had 
been brought erroneously in trover when it should 
have been in assumpsit. 

Wilber's disappointment at the failure of his 
counsel to come was not allayed by the unprom- 
ising substitute he had sent in the fledoflinor Thur- 

O «"> o 

man. When the young lawyer told Wilber that 
the suit was wrongly brought, they would be non- 
suited, and he declined to take the responsibility 
of going on with the case, his new client declared 

that Murphy, " the rascal, did that on purpose 

to punish me for voting for Bill Allen ;" but no 
diffidence on Thurman's part discouraged him. 
He insisted that the case should proceed, and the 
youthful counsel who had discovered Murphy's 
error was warmly commended to him by his quick 
perception and frankness. Thurman contented 
himself by reading Murphy's brief, and suffered a 
non-suit. Nothing daunted by the result, Wilber 
took to sounding his praises, became his client 
and influential friend, and, being a litigious person 
and subsequently gaining many lawsuits with his 
young attorney, the association so unpropitiously 
begun turned out to be of great advantage to 
Thurman. 



MR. THURMAN AS A LA WYER. 



IN GENERAL PRACTICE. 



327 



In the trial of disputed land titles, his experi- 
ence in the field, and his thorough knowledge of 
surveying, served him well. Water-rights and mill- 
dam powers were frequent subjects of contention 
in the courts of that day, and collections, con- 
tracts, ejectments, and all the elements of a mis- 
cellaneous practice in a country town made up 
his regular professional work. A one-hundred 
dollar fee in that day was an unusual event. Mr. 
Allen retiring from practice, Thurman associated 
with him Theodore Sherer, who remained a law 
partner until his senior was chosen to the Ohio 
Supreme Bench in 1851. 

During all this time he was active in politics, 
consistent in his Democracy, and as unceasing as 
he was fearless in his labors to promote the suc- 
cess of his party in its local, State, and National 
campaigns. But he refused to be diverted from 
the path of professional application in which he 
had set his feet to any office of political honor or 
emolument. He declined candidacy for all official 
place, except the single term of Congress for 
which he was nominated, against his will, in his 
absence from the State in 1844 — an event which, 
with its results, will be considered hereafter in a 
review of his political career. 

As a lawyer he was studious, prompt, pains- 
taking in his preparation, logical, quick to discern 



\ 



328 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

the weak points of the opposition, and aggressive 
in attack at the opportune time. He practiced 
largely in the Supreme Court of Ohio and of the 
United States, and as early as 1851 he was known 
and recognized throughout the State as one of its 
foremost lawyers. 

ELECTED TO THE SUPREME BENCH. 

Under the new Constitution of Ohio its Su- 
preme Court was to be reorganized in 1851 by 
the election of five new judges on a single ticket. 
Thurman was the unanimous choice of his party 
for one of the places. The Democrats were suc- 
cessful in the election of all their nominees in the 
fall of 1 85 1, and the Judges elect drew lots for 
their terms, the chief-justiceship to go in turn to 
those whose terms first expired. Mr. Thurman 
went upon the bench in February, 1852, and 
drew the four-year term, but Judge Corwin, who 
drew the three-year term, resigned, and the chief 
place on the bench went to Judge Thurman for 
more than one year (December 4th, 1854-Feb- 
ruary 9th, 1856.) 

The same qualities of mind, thorough knowl- 
edge, keen discernment and positive, direct as- 
sertion which had distinguished him as a lawyer 
characterized his labors on the bench. Asso- 
ciated with men who then ranked hicrh, and some 
of whom afterward gained larger fame, Chief- 
Justice Thurman easily led the court while he was 



MR. THURMAN AS A LAWYER. 329 

a member of it. Charged with the construction \ 
of the new Constitution and the duty of adjusting 
it to the conditions under which the State's juris- 
prudence had been developed, his term of service 
was a most important one in the constitutional 
and judicial history of Ohio. The State Reports 
(Volumes I-V) of this time are enriched with 
many opinions exhibitinghis learning, perspicacity, 
and cogent reasoning. AmonQf these, and be- 
sides many others of no less importance, was that 
in Bloom v. Richards (2 Ohio St., 387), in which 
case the point in issue was whether or not specific 
performance could be enforced of a contract which 
was made on Sunday for the sale of lands. The 
syllabus of the opinion in this case is as follows : 

A contract, entered into on a Sunday, was not 
for that reason void at common law. 

With perhaps a single exception, all the cases, 
Enodisli and American, in which contracts have 
been declared void because made on a Sunday, 
rest upon the ground of a statutory prohibition. 

But even were such a contract void by the 
common law, it would not necessarily follow that 
it is void in Ohio. 

The English common law, so far as it is reason- 
able in itself, suitable to the condition and business 
of our people, and consistent with the letter and 
spirit of our Federal and State Constitutions and 
statutes, has been and is followed by our courts, 
and may be said to constitute a part of the com- 
mon law of Ohio. But whenever it has been 
found wanting in either of these requisites, our 



330 LIFE OF ALLEN G. Til UR MAN. 

courts have not hesitated to modify it to suit our 
circumstances, or, if necessary, wholly to depart 
from it. 

Christianity is a part of the common Jaw of 
England, but, under the provisions of our Consti- 
tution, neither Christianity nor any other system 
of religion is a part of the law of this State. 

We have no union of Church and State, nor 
has our Government ever been vested with au- 
thority to enforce any religious observance simply 
because it is religious. Of course, it is no objec- 
tion, but, on the contrary, it is a high recommen- 
dation to a legislative enactment, based upon jus- 
tice or public policy, that is found to coincide with 
the precepts of a pure religion: nevertheless, the 
power to make the law rests in the legislative 
control over things temporal, and not over things 
spiritual. 

The statute, prohibiting common labor on the 
Sabbath, could not stand for a moment as the 
law of this State, if its sole foundation was the 
Christian duty of keeping that day holy, and its 
sole motive to enforce the observance of that duty. 
It is to be regarded as a mere municipal or police 
regulation, whose validity is neither strengthened 
nor weakened by the fact that the clay of rest it 
enjoins is the Sabbath day. 

Numerous cases may be found in which con- 
tracts entered into upon a Sunday, have been 
declared invalid, but it will be seen, by an exami- 
nation of the statutes, under which these decisions 
were made, that they are, in everv instance, much 
more comprehensive than the Ohio enactment. 
Their prohibition is not, like that of the Ohio 
law, of common labor simply, but of any manner 



MR. THURMAN AS A LAWYER. 33 1 

of worldly business, save acts of necessity or 
charity. 

It seems to be the common expression of the 
courts, that the making of a contract is business, 
within the meaning- of the acts they are construing. 

Neither in common parlance, nor in its strict 
philological sense, does the expression, " common 
labor," embrace the simple making of a bargain. 

It is not to be understood, that because a Sun- 
day contract may be valid, therefore business may 
be transacted upon that as upon other days — as 
for instance, by a merchant, not of the excepted 
class. To wait upon his customers and receive 
and sell his wares, is the common labor of a mer- 
chant, and there is a broad distinction between 
pursuing this avocation, and the case of a single 
sale out of the ordinary course of business. But 
the mere making of a contract on Sunday is not 
prohibited by the statute of Ohio. 

The opinion in Bloom v. Richards, in which the 
entire court concurred, is a most comprehensive 
and learned review of the subject to which it re- 
lates. It is especially clear in its distinction be- 
tween the provisions of the Ohio Constitution and 
the law of other Commonwealths that had been 
less liberal in framing their fundamental provi- 
sions. It has lon<T stood as high authority over 
the whole country. 

RETURN TO THE BAR. 

. The salary of a Judge of the Supreme Court of 
Ohio was not commensurate with the earnings Q f 



332 LIFE OF AILEN G. THURMAN. 

a lawyer of the highest ability and greatest repu- 
tation, and at the close of his term Judge Thur- 
man declined to be a candidate for re-election. 
He returned to his practice, and, unlike many 
judges whom an experience on the bench rather 
disables for general practice, he came back to it 
with renewed strength and fitness, and at once 
leaped into a far more lucrative business than he 
had ever before enjoyed. 

During his term as Judge of the Supreme 
Bench he had removed his residence from Chilli- 
cothe to Columbus, the capital of the State, where 
he has lived ever since. There he located his law 
office, and henceforth his practice dealt with the 
largest concerns. In the State and Federal 
courts he was known equally well as a sagacious 
counselor, a most ingenious and forcible attorney 
before the court in banc, and a persuasive and 
subtle advocate in jury trials. His business re- 
lations and undiminished political activity gave 
him wide acquaintance throughout the State. 
While Chase, Sherman, Wade, and other leading 
men of Ohio, whom more favorable political con- 
ditions brought into national prominence, were 
better known to the country at large, close devo- 
tion to the law was ofaining" for Thurman advan- 
tages which, when his time came to profit by them 
in a Senatorial career, equipped him to take a 
front rank from the start in a chamber then well 
filled with brilliant and distinguished men. 



MR. THURMAN AS A LAWYER. 333 

After his election to the Senate and during his 
service in Washington, Mr. Thurman gave little 
attention to law practice, save in about a dozen 
important cases with which his relations could not 
be violently sundered. His political distinction 
and eminent public services are, however, chiefly 
due to his character as a great lawyer; on the 
Judiciary Committee or the floor of the Senate, as \^ 
a member of the International Monetary Confer- 
ence, as arbiter between the Trunk Line Railroad 
Companies, as counsel for the Government in the 
telephone cases, as an arbitrator between the 
operators and miners in the Hocking Valley, and 
finally in his last professional service as associate 
counsel for the prosecution of the accused of his 
own political party in the tally-sheet forgery cases, 
he has held his place and justified his reputation as 
one of the first lawyers of the United States. His 
eminence and success he owes in large measure 
to natural endowment. God eave to j 1 j m an - n . 
herent love of justice, and he cultivated his genius 
with that singleness of purpose which makes much 
for greatness, " If therefore thine eye be single, 
thy whole body shall be full of light." 



CHAPTER IV. 



\ 



EARLY INTEREST IN POLITICS ON THE STUMP AND 

IN CONGRESS ELECTED TO THE SENATE. 



F 



ROM his ancestry and family connections it 
"i was quite natural that the boy Thurman 
should manifest early political inclinations 
toward the Jacksonian Democracy. He took an 
active interest in the violent discussions of the 
period when he was growing to manhood and 
when politics absorbed far more of serious popu- 
lar attention than now. He first mounted the 
stump before he was of age, at Piketon, Pike 
County, where enthusiastic friends forced him, 
reluctant, to assume the rights of an elector to 
harangue the crowd. He had " peddled" tickets 
for Jackson in 1828, the ballots for the entire 
State being then printed in Cincinnati and sent to 
the county-seats. Young Thurman spent as much 
as two weeks time taking them from house to 
house in Ross, Scioto, and Pike Counties. His 
personal acquaintances and his work as a sur- 
veyor brought him into association with many 
of the prominent men of his party in the State ; 
and when Governor Lucas sent for him to come 
to Columbus as his Secretary he had already 
surveyed through the hills with that statesman. 
In his uncle's campaigns he participated with 

334 



EARL Y INTEREST IN POLITICS. 335 

much energy, and his party found in him a willing 
and indefatigable worker. 

It was not until 1844 tnat ne allowed himself to 
be nominated for any office, his energies being 
chiefly directed to building up his practice and to 
aiding in the support of his father's family, espe- 
cially the education of his sisters. In the midst of 
the famous Polk-Clay campaign of 1844, an< ^ 
during his absence from the State, in Kentucky, 
he was nominated for Congress in the district com- 
posed of Ross, Adams, Jackson, Pike, and Hocking 
Counties. At the election previous Ex-Governor 
Lucas (who had come back to the State from 
Icwa) lost the district as the Democratic candi- 
date, being beaten by John I. Van Meter, Whig, 
by 250 majority. The Democrats in their neces- 
sity turned to their strongest man to recover 
their prestige and their Congressional repre- 
sentation. A spirited contest ensued, marked, 
however, as all Thurman's political controversies 
have been, by personal courtesy and good feeling. 

Thurman spent a week on the stump in each 
county of the district. His opponent was a fine 
gentleman but not a public speaker, and he was 
beaten by over four hundred. 

IN CONGRESS, 1 845-47. 

Mr. Thurman went to Washington in Decern- 
ber, 1845, at tne opening of the term of Congress, 
and he recalls that he entered public life there 



336 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

on the same day as Simon Cameron, who had 
been elected Senator from Pennsylvania for the 
first time. They boarded at the same house, 
Young Gadsby's. 

These were great days in Washington. The 
Senatorial giants were in the maturity of their 
powers. The tariff of 1846, the Mexican War, 
and the Oregon question were some of the sub- 
jects of disputation during his single Congres- 
sional term. He served on the Judiciary Com- 
mittee in the House, of which body Dr. John W. 
Davis, of Indiana, was Speaker. 

He supported the Administration and its con- 
duct of the Mexican War. He made a speech 
\ on the Oregon issue, and stood firm with Stephen 
A. Douglas, Andrew Johnson, and Howell Cobb 
against the abandonment by most of his Demo- 
cratic colleagues of the bold position they had 
before taken for " Fifty-four Forty or Fight.'' 

In the division of the Northern Democrats over 
» the " Wilmot Proviso " he voted with Hannibal 
Hamlin, Preston King, Simon Cameron, and 
John Wentworth, of his party, in favor of that 
momentous amendment to the proposed execu- 
tive £rant. 

Remotely removed from his law practice, in the 
days of slow communication between the East 
and West, with very moderate accumulation of 
fortune, and having assumed new responsibili- 
ties by his recent marriage, Mr. Thurman recog- 



EARL Y INTEREST IN POLITICS. T>37 

nized that he could not afford to remain in Con- 
gress at a salary of eight dollars per clay and 
heavy personal expenses. He declined re- 
nomination and renewed his attention to his law 
practice. 

He abated none of his active interest in politics 
and shirked no task that it imposed upon him. 
Having withheld himself from partisan interfer- 
ence while on the bench, upon re-entering politi- 
cal life he resolutely resisted the arrogance of the 
slave power, and in the Douglas-Buchanan party 
differences he opposed the repeal of the Missouri 
Compromise and advocated non-interference of 
the Federal Government for slavery in the Ter- 
ritories. He was against the Lecompton Con- 
stitution for Kansas, and supported Douglas for 
President in i860, though never accepting his 
doctrine of " squatter sovereignty." He strenu- 
ously antagonized the doctrine of secession and 
loyally supported the Union cause. He believed 
in the vigorous prosecution of the war, though he 
never justified the resort to unconstitutional 
means nor recognized the necessity of imperiling 
the Union to save it. He had but two loeical al- 
ternatives as to the relation of the seceded States 
to the General Government : If they were out of 
the Union the North was at war with them and 
every loyal man must stand by the flag; if they 
were in the Union, they were in a state of insur- 
rection that must be suppressed. 



n 



38 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAFT. 



THE CANVASS OF I 867. 

In 1867 a Legislature was to be chosen in Ohio 
to name a successor to Ben Wade, then United 
States Senator; a Governor was to be elected, 
and, in advance of the ratification of the Fifteenth 
Amendment to the Federal Constitution, negro 
suffrage was to be imposed upon this Common- 
wealth by the popular adoption of a State consti- 
tutional amendment. To the leadership of the 
Democratic party in the field its ablest champion, 
in the person of Allen G. Thurman, was called by 
unanimous nomination for Governor. Ruther- 
ford B. Hayes was the Republican candidate. 
Then ensued a remarkable campaign, which at- 
tracted attention throughout the country. Mainly 
through Mr. Thurman's own efforts and direction 
a close and thorough organization of his party was 
effected. He led the fight himself, and for sixty- 
five consecutive working days he was on the 
stump, saving only two days which he spent in 
Columbus in council with the Executive Com- 
mittee. He made over one hundred speeches. 
The negro suffrage amendment was beaten by 
fifty thousand. Hayes was barely elected by 
three thousand plurality, and the House and Sen- 
ate were Democratic. For the United States 
Senatorship the people of his party named him 
with loud acclaim, and in the legislative caucus he 
was chosen by a vote nearly double that received 



EARL V INTEREST IN POLITICS. 339 

by his only opponent, the late Clement L. Vallan- 
digham. Men of all parties recognized the fitness 
of bestowing upon him the highest honors of a 
campaign which he organized and directed with 
unequaled sagacity and skill. The new Legis- 
lature chose him as the successor of Benjamin F. 
Wade, United States Senator from Ohio. 

AS A CAMPAIGN SPEAKER. 

In this campaign Mr. Thurman exhibited the 
widest range of his powers as a public speaker, 
an organizer, and a far-sighted statesman ; no 
less did he display a remarkable physical vigor 
and adaptation to all the conditions to which an 
active campaigning candidate is exposed. Popu- 
lar and effective as he has always been on the 
stump, he never abandons his logic, never sacri- 
fices directness of address to rhetorical flights, 
nor supplants argument with abuse of his op- 
ponents. In a speech in the campaign of 1868, 
at Sandusky, Ohio, he said what he might, with 
justice, have said of his speeches generally on the 
hustings or in the Senate : 

"I am profoundly grateful, I assure you, for the 
cordiality and warmth of your welcome. I shall 
endeavor to repay it by speaking on subjects 
worthy of your attention, and in the language of 
soberness and truth befitting the occasion. I am 
not here to declaim, however pardonable declama- 
tion might be — I am not here to indulge in abuse, 



340 L/PE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

however justifiable might be strong terms of con* 
demnation. For that style and mode of speak- 
ing, in which rhetoric is preferred to reason, hard 
names to argument, and unfounded assertions to 
incontestable facts, I have neither capacity, incli- 
nation, nor taste. What I desire is, to present to 
my fellow-citizens, who honor me with their at- 
tention, undeniable facts and sound arguments 
upon matters that deeply concern them, and to do 
this in the plainest and clearest language that I 
am capable of using." 

ON THE TARIFF TWENTY YEARS AGO. 

From the same speech may fitly be made at 
this time an extract on the tariff issue, to show 
how clearly he foreshadowed the issue of the cam- 
paign in which he has come to be one of the 
standard-bearers in 1888. 

On September 7th, 1868, he said : 

" I desire to call your attention, first, to the sub- 
ject of the tariff. What is the tariff? It is a duty 
or tax levied by the Government upon goods 
imported into the United States. When no higher 
than was required for the purposes of revenue, it 
has always been cheerfully acquiesced in by the 
people. They have generally preferred it to any 
other mode of taxation, and they have not objected 
to so arranmnor a revenue tariff as to afford inci- 
dental protection or benefit to our own manufac- 
turers. But when a tariff, like that now in force, 



EARL Y INTEREST IN POLITICS. 



341 



is framed, not for revenue purposes, but to give 
one class of capitalists a monopoly of the market, 
or, at least, to enhance the price of everything 
they make, and thus burden the consumers, it 
becomes seriously oppressive. It is a tax that 
benefits no one but the favored capitalist. It does 
not benefit the Government, for a greater revenue 
would be produced by a lower tax. When a tariff 
is exorbitant, importations fall off, the revenue 
fails, and the Government loses. But the favored 
monopolist, having the market substantially to 
himself, adds to the price of his commodities, and 
the consumers suffer. Whether they buy im- 
ported or domestic goods, in the price they pay 
for them they pay the tax levied by the Govern- 
ment. If the goods be imported, the importer 
pays the tax, and adds it, with a percent, of inter- 
est or profit, to the price when he sells to the retail 
merchant, and the latter adds to that his per cent, 
of interest or profit when he sells to the consumer, 
who is the man that in the end pays the tax, and 
the profits or interest thereon. If the goods 
be not imported, yet the domestic manufacturer 
raises the price of his goods to that of the im- 
portations, and so the consumer pays the amount 
of the tax, while the Government gets not one 
cent of it. Now, that is precisely what is going 
on every day. There is not an article you wear, 
the price of which is not enhanced by the enor- 
mous tariff duties levied by our Government." 



342 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

THE IMPOVERISHMENT OF THE SOUTH. 

In the same speech he depicted with vivid effect 
the impoverished condition of the South, owing 
to the misdirected system of reconstruction im- 
posed upon it ; and he pointed out the economic 
loss occasioned to the North by this miserable pol- 
icy of sectional hate and partisan greed. He 
said : 

" My friends, have you any idea of the impov- 
erishment of the South? If you have not, let me 
give one fact from the official records of the 
Treasury Department, about which there can be 
no mistake, and which reveals it in a startling 
light. You know that our Radical rulers have 
established the most inquisitorial and searching 
system of taxation the world ever saw. It fol- 
lows a man wherever he goes, and directly or in- 
directly taxes him on all he eats or drinks or 
wears ; it attends him in sickness as well as in 
health, and, reluctant to give up its grasp, it ac- 
companies him to the grave ; and when, at last, he 
is laid in his mother earth, it demands of his heirs 
or legatees a further tribute before they can en- 
joy his estate. And yet with all this searching 
inquisition, the taxes paid by the ten Southern 
States are less, by $5,000,000 a year, than those 
paid by Ohio alone. So poverty-stricken is that 
portion of the Republic, that the tax officials of 
the Government cannot find in all those ten 



EAR L Y INTEREST IN POLITICS. 3 43 

States as much property to tax as is found in 
Ohio alone. Nay, the single county of Hamilton, 
in our State, paid in the fiscal year of 1866-67, 
$1,100,000 more taxes to the Federal Government 
than did eight of the Southern States. Could 
anything more completely demonstrate the im- 
poverished condition of those States, or more 
completely show how that poverty increases our 
burden ? 

" Now, my friends, I repeat that all this is in a 
great degree owing to the Radical policy toward 
those States since the war closed. Had the ri^ht 
policy been pursued, had the Southern people, 
after they laid down their arms, been treated as 
American citizens and not as enemies, had they 
been permitted to peaceably resume the benefits 
of civil government and the avocations of peace, 
had they not been placed under military domi- 
nation and negro rule, and had no threats of 
sweeping confiscation been made, long before this 
their ancient prosperity would have begun to re- 
vive, the marks of war's desolation would have 
become fainter every day, and in a few short 
years hardly a trace of them would have been 
found." 

ALWAYS TO THE FRONT. 

In all the campaigns of his party, while he was 
Senator and since, Mr. Thurman has been a con- 
spicuously effective advocate of the candidates 



6 



344 L1FE 0F ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

and principles of the Democracy. Loyal in his 
devotion to the organization of his own State and 
steadfast in an affection for his party everywhere, 
which is heartily reciprocated, to him again and 
again has it been left to strike a " keynote " which 
should reverberate from ocean to ocean. 

Mr. Thurman figured in the Democratic Na- 
tional Convention of 1864. He was on the floor 
of the Convention in 1S68 which nominated Sey- 
mour for President in New York. He was not 
present at the " fusion " of the Liberal Republi- 
can and Democratic parties in 1872, and reluct- 
antly assented to the fatal policy of that year. 
Tilden in 1876, Hancock in 1880, and Cleveland 
in 1884 nac ^ his earnest support. Though his 
own name had been favorably mentioned and en- 
thusiastically received at Chicago in the last- 
named year, his was one of the first of the leaders' 
voices heard for the successful candidate. His 
speeches in the last national canvass of his party 
in Brooklyn, Tammany Hall, and throughout the 
whole of Southern Indiana were among the mem- 
orable influences that contributed to Democratic 
victory. 




CHAPTER V. 

MR. THURMAN IN THE SENATE OF UNITED STATES. 

EARLY thirty years before he went to 
Washington to take a seat in the highest 
legislative body of the country Mr. Thur- 
man had made a journey to the Capital City, 
partly to recruit his health, impaired by severe 
labors, and partly to visit his uncle, Senator Allen, 
and to have a sight of his famous contemporaries. 
He listened with delight to the familiar conversa- 
tion of Calhoun, heard the fiery debates of the 
great orators of that day, and spent nearly two 
months of time amid those scenes and person- 
ages with great interest and profit. Subsequently 
he had visited Washington rarely, except during 
his one term in Congress and upon the legal 
business which required his attention in the courts 
and at the departments. But now, elected to 
represent his State and the weightiest concerns 
of the people, regarded with pride and attention 
by his party throughout the country as one of its 
most eminent leaders, placed in a position of 
greatest responsibility, he made every interest 
secondary to the duties of a faithful public servant, 
a fearless tribune of the riodit. 

o 

345 



s 



346 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN, 

He came into office with the new Administra- 
tion of President Grant, following that stormy 
period in which the obstinacy of Andrew John- 
son had pushed the Congressional leaders of 
his late party into the most violent excesses. A 
very serious loss the Democratic party in the 
Senate sustained was the retirement at this time 
by the expiration of his term of that lamented 
statesman, Thomas A. Hendricks, who had for 
six years maintained leadership on his side of the 
Chamber and had resisted with courageous effort 
the wrongs and oppressions of the dominant 
party in the reconstruction period. Happily for 
the Democracy, whose Senators then numbered 
so few, the same day that marked the retirement 
of Hendricks was the date of Thurman's admis- 
sion to the Senate. 

When he took his seat there were besides him 
but few colleagues of his own faith ; Stockton, 
of New Jersey ; Garrett Davis and McCreery, of 
Kentucky ; Eugene Casserly, of California; Vick- 
ers and Hamilton, of Maryland ; Willard Sauls- 
bury and Thomas F. Bayard, of Delaware; John- 
ston, of Virginia, and Thomas M. Norwood, 
of Georgia. Of these Bayard and Stockton 
were, like himself, untried in this field of public 
service. Among the Republicans of distinction 
who entered the Senate for the first time with him 
were the brilliant and impulsive Carpenter ; Schurz 
and Fenton, so soon to break with the oro-aniza- 



MR. THVRMAN IN THE SENATE. 2>47 

tion that elected them, and William A. Bucking- 
ham, to whose memory 'Ihurman has paid tender 
and touching tribute. But of the trained leaders 
in the opposition with whom Thurman was to 
cross swords were Fessenden, who did not long 
survive the obloquy cast upon him by his party 
for his independent vote on the Johnson impeach- 
ment; Edmunds and Morrell; Sumner and Wilson; 
Conkling, Anthony, Cameron, Sherman, Morton, 
Trumbull, Chandler, and Howe. The Republican 
representation from the South was largely made 
up of the class now relegated to obscurity as 
" carpet-baggers," or the fit representatives of 
that unsavory element. 

One of the first moves of the Republicans in 
both Houses was to repeal for President Grant's 
convenience the Tenure-of-Office Act, for the 
alleged violation of which they had sought to de- 
pose Johnson. The Senate, less shameless than 
the House, gagged at the proposition to so 
promptly uncover its own inconsistency; and its 
Judiciary Committee tried to palter with the issue 
by proposing to " suspend " the act. Mr. Thur- 
man, the ripeness of whose powers as a jurist had 
designated him for the Judiciary Committee, 
derided the offer " to enforce the act when it will \ 
have no practical effect and to suspend it when it 
would have practical effect." He made his 
single speech of the session on this point, and the 
report was recommitted. After some contention 



34S LIFE OF ALLEX G. THURMAN. 

between the Houses a substitute for the act was 
passed. 

BRILLIANT SERVICE IN THE SENATE. 

The most brilliant services of the new Senator 
from Ohio were, of course, rendered to his party 
and his country at this period, in connection with 
the questions that arose out of the so-called 
" reconstruction " by Congress of the States 
recently in rebellion. The murder of Mr. Lincoln 
at a time when his great qualities of head and 
heart were most needed to restore the Union he 
had whelped to save, the perverse and impracti- 
cable, though sincere, purposes of his successor, 
and the desperate party zeal of the Radicals in 
Congress had united to produce political condi- 
tions as disgraceful as they were disastrous to 
both sections of the country. Mr. Thurman's 
undisturbed equanimity of temper, his unfailing 
courtesy to opponents, his readiness in debate, 
and his profound knowledge of Constitutional law, 
stood his party well in this time of its scant num- 
bers and few leaders. 

One of his early opportunities to show the stuff 
that was in him came with the contest in the 
Senate over the rio-ht of the Federal Congress 
to "reconstruct " the Georgia Legislature because, 
it w r as alleged, negroes chosen to it were excluded 
from their seats. Georgia had adopted a Consti- 
tution in which the colored man was given the 



MR. THURMAN IN THE SENA TE. 349 

right of suffrage, but not expressly the privilege 
of holding office. Joseph E. Brown had been 
elected Governor on the Republican ticket in a 
canvass in which he distinctly held that the pro- 
posed fundamental law did not confer the right to 
hold office upon the negro, and upon that assur- 
ance the people ratified it. Nevertheless, the 
Republicans elected a Legislature largely made 
up of negroes. The lawfully chosen members, 
exercising the ordinary rights of representative 
bodies to judge of the qualifications of their own 
members, barred out the negroes. The Republi- 
cans introduced into the Senate a resolution of 
inquiry and investigation, aimed at dislodging the 
whites and putting in the negroes. 

Representatives and Senators elect were ex^ 
eluded from Congress pending the successful 
efforts of the Radicals to alter the Legislature and 
compel the ratification of the Fifteenth Amend- 
ment. Against this most revolutionary and ex- 
traordinary conduct on the part of Congress, even 
Republicans like Carpenter in the Senate and 
Bingham in the House protested, as an unpre- 
cedented assumption of Fedefal power. Thurman 
led the fight for his party in the Senate, and for 
five days and nights^ during which it is said he 
never went to bed, he made hopeless parliamen- 
tarv battle aeainst overwhelming odds. But 
high above the defeat of the hour rang out his 
bugle note of alarm to the country that Congres- 



35o 



JFE OF ALLEN G. Til UR MAN. 



sional powers were being stretched to the last 
limit of safety for the Republic. 

A SUCCESSFUL CONTEST. 

Upon another occasion, like in the early ex- 
periences related, he succeeded in arresting the 
partisan zeal of the Senate and in securing for 
his own side substantial gain, while at the same 
time he served the cause of justice. 

Joseph C. Abbott, a " carpet-bag" Senator from 
North Carolina, now justly forgotten, had been 
succeeded by Zebulon B. Vance, elect of the 
Legislature. Vance's disabilities had not been 
removed and, of course, the Republican Congress 
would not vote them off. The Democratic Sena- 
tors wrote to him uniting in a request that he 
make no obstruction or delay in having some 
eligible Democrat chosen to Abbott's place. 
Vance manfully withdrew and M. W. Ransom was 
chosen. Then Abbott, fortified by an opinion 
from Caleb Cushing, set up the ridiculous plea 
that at the first election the votes cast for Vance 
counted as blanks, and that he himself, having 
received the others, had a majority of the legal 
votes cast and was the lawful Senator-elect. 
Cashing' s cunning argument captivated Carpenter 
and he fought viciously for Abbott's admission. 
Morton was Chairman of the Committee on Priv- 
ileges and Elections. Thurman made for Ransom 
what he is pleased to recall as the best legal 



MR. THURMAN IN THE SENATE. 35 1 

argument of his career. To the surprise and de- 
light of the Democrats, Logan voted with them, 
and Morton broke the tie by casting his vote also 
for Ransom. He assigned to Thurman the prepa- 
ration of the majority report, but the Ohio Sena- 
tor insisted that Lo^an should make it and aided 
him with his brief. The question gave rise to a 
vigorous debate on the floor, in which Thurman 
gained new laurels, and the admission of Ransom 
was an additional si^fn of returning reason in 
politics. 

A POPULAR SENATOR. 

The defection of the Liberal Republican Sen- 
ators in 1872 intensified the political dissensions 
and personal differences which seemed to begin 
when the party was at its strongest, and were ag- 
gravated under the Grant Administration. Per- 
sonal friendships crossed party lines at right an- 
gles, and no man on either side grew more steadily 
in the respect and affections of his colleagues than 
Thurman. 

In 1873 ms re-election was one of the chief 
issues of the Ohio campaign. It was rendered 
memorable, too, by the recall of the venerable 
William Allen to the active leadership of his party 
by making him its candidate for Governor. The 
two great family names that had so long been 
emblazoned on the banners of the Ohio Democ- 
racy were irresistible. Allen was elected Gov- 



352 LIFE OF ALLEN G. TIIURMaN. 

ernor, and a Legislature was chosen which made 
Thurman United States Senator for a second 
term. During all his twelve years service in the 
Senate Mr. Thurman kept close to his constitu- 
ents. He made and revised lists of the leading 
men of his party in the State, kept in correspon- 
dence and communication with the local organiza- 
tions everywhere, and entered vigorously into all 
the campaigns. He never sympathized with the 
extreme inflation notions of " the Ohio idea/' al- 
though its illustrious author "overwhelmed him 
with words;" and when in 1873, at Thurman Hall, 
in Columbus, General Thomas Kwing and others 
seriously proposed to merge the Ohio Democracy 
into a new "popular" party Thurman indignantly 
eft the conference, declaring, " If you are going to 
bury the Democratic party don't ask me to be 
one of the pall-bearers." His vigorous protest 
saved the party from disorganization. 

EMINENT PUBLIC SERVICES. 

In the debates on financial policies, the Pacific 
Railroad bills, Chinese immigration, and odier 
leading issues — of some of which more extended 
notice will furnish the body of subsequent chap- 
ters — he took a leading part during twelve years 
of Senatorial experience. For the trial of Belk- 
nap he was appointed and served as one of the 
Senate Committee of Arrangements. On the joint 
Committee appointed in 1876 respecting the 



; 



MR. THURMAN IN THE SENATE. ' 353 

mode of counting the electoral votes he was one 
of the three Democratic Senators. In the orean- 

o 

ization of the electoral commission he was orioi- 
nally selected as one of the members, and when 
ill health prevented his regular attendance and a 
successor was chosen at his request, Senator Ker- 
nan, of New York, took his seat. Thurman's for- 
cible argument against counting the vote of Louis- 
4ana was one of the most notable contributions to 
the controversy. 

In the executive sessions of the Senate Mr. 
Thurman consistently opposed and frequently 
succeeded in defeating the nominations of broken- 
down politicians and other unfit persons from the 
East for Federal Territorial offices, and much of 
the popularity he has so long enjoyed in what are 
known as " the Pacific States " has been due to 
this feature of his public record. He has be- 
lieved in the recognition of the bright and brainy 
young men who to a large extent have peopled 
the Territories, and the resolution of the Chicago 
platform of 1884, looking to this policy, was 
adopted at his instance. 

In the Forty-sixth Congress, Mr. Thurman's 
party having advanced from the feeble numbers 
which gathered about his banner when he entered 
the Chamber to a majority of the whole body, he 
was chosen President pro tern., and in the ab* 
sence of Vice-President Wheeler he occupied the 
Chair with that great acceptability that always at- 



\ 



354 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

tended his Senatorial relations. Of these and 
of the characteristics always attaching to men of 
great intellectual power — but often exaggerated 
in popular narration — many amusing and pictur- 
esque anecdotes are told which do not fall within 
the scope of this present sketch, If any .quality 
more than another distinguished his service it was 
the readiness and directness of his remarks upon 
pending questions, attributable to his great 
breadth of information and to the singleness of 
purpose which always induced him to confine his 
efforts to the matter in issue. In a speech Jan- 
uary 8th, 1875, ne frankly spoke of himself in 
these words, the force and truth of which are 
readily recognized by those acquainted with his 
Senatorial habits : 

"If I know myself, I never have occupied the 
time of the Senate for any purpose of personal 
ambition, to be admired or applauded for what I 
might say. I have spoken, and spoken frequently, 
and, as I think the Senate will bear me witness, 
spoken always directly to the point under consid- 
eration, and, as I know, with an earnest and sin- 
cere desire to be of some service to the Senate, 
however humble in its consideration of whatever 
subject might be under discussion." 

SOME CONTEMPORARY CRITICISM. 

A not over-friendly critic of his own party in a 
contemporary review of Mr. ■ Thurman's Sena- 



MR. THURMAN IN THE SENATE. 355 

torial career said : " A Virginian by birth, brought 
up among plain Ohio folks, a judge and a lawyer 
deep read in the principles and versed in all the 
practical rules of his profession, an ardent politi- 
cian of the Jacksonian school, with amendments . 
made to conform systems to his own original 
thought, Senator Thurman came to the Senate 
fortified with a store of unusual resources, which 
he is always willing and even eager to draw upon 
at sight in an unlimited way. Critical as Edmunds, 
he has that sort of constructive ability in which 
Edmunds is conspicuously lacking. His services 
on the Judiciary Committee have been important 
and valuable, and his power of work is simply 
prodigious. Edmunds can pick to pieces a bill, 
a charter, or a proposition, but Thurman can 
amend it so as to remove its evils, and give vital- 
ity and usefulness to what was before noxious 
and injurious. * * * The Democratic party and 
the country owe a debt of recognizance to Judge 
Thurman which it will not be easy to forget. His 
acumen, his logic, his learning, his quickness and 
intrepidity in debate, have all availed him to stand 
in the breach and defend the Constitution. He 
has done yeoman's service in showing up radical 
Republicanism upon its desperate course, in bring- 
ing it to its senses, and in awakening the whole 
country to its fatal designs. He has found out 
how to arrest and put Constitutional checks upon 
the great corporations and monopolies, and has 



356 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

brought the insolence of land-grant companies to 
swift punishment." 

Mr. James G. Blaine, in his Twenty Yea?'S of 
Congress, in which no one has accused him of 
over-estimating his political antagonists, thus sums 
up the Senatorial character of Mr. Thurman : 
" When he came to the Senate he was entitled to 
be considered the foremost man of his party in 
the nation. His rank in the Senate was estab- 
lished from the day he took his seat, and was 
never lowered during the period of his service. 
He was an admirably disciplined debater, was fair 
in his method of statement, logical in his areu- 
ment, honest in his conclusions. He had no tricks 
in discussion, no catch phrases to secure attention, 
but was always direct and manly. His mind was 
not preoccupied and engrossed with political con- 
tests or with affairs of State He had natural 
and cultivated tastes outside of those fields. He 
was a discriminating reader, and enjoyed not only 
serious books, but inclined also to the lighter in- 
dulgence of romance and poetry. He was espe- 
cially fond of the best French writers. He loved 
Moliere and Racine, and could quote with rare 
enjoyment the humorous scenes depicted by Bal- 
zac. He took pleasure in the drama, and was 
devoted to music. In Washington he could 
usually be found in the best seat of the theatre 
when a good play was to be presented or an 
opera was to be given. These tastes illustrate 



MR. THURMAN IN THE SENATE. 357 

the genial side of his nature, and were a fitting 
complement to the stronger and sterner elements 
of the man. His retirement from the Senate was 
a serious loss to his party, a loss indeed to the 
body. He left behind him pleasant memories, 
and carried with him the respect of all with whom 
he had been associated during his twelve years of 
honorable service" 




CHAPTER VI. 

THURMAN IN THE DAYS OF RECONSTRUCTION. 

URING nearly all of that gloomy period, 
politically, for the Democracy in which 
the Republicans were exercising their nu- 
merical power in the Southern States and in 
Congress to prevent any scheme of reconstruction 
that would not perpetuate their party oligarchy, 
Thurman remained steadfastly the exponent 
of Constitutional doctrine. He was the friend, 
not particularly of the South, nor of any one sec- 
tion, but of the whole country, of the tranquillity 
of the Union, and of the restored material pros- 
perity that could only come and stay with the estab- 
lishment and maintenance of home rule and local 
self-government. For these he wa^ed continual 
stru^^le, and he lived to see his views vindicated 
again and again by the sober decisions of the 
Supreme Court, as well as justified by the irre- 
sistible conviction of an enlightened popular sense 
of fairness. One by one the Republican leaders, 
with a lingering sense of justice, abandoned the 
pretensions of the radical element to treat the 
South as a subjugated province. Gradually the 
more respectable organs of public opinion re- 

358 



IN THE DA YS OF RE CONS TR UC TION. 359 

volted at the attempted subversion of the Consti- 
tution and the frequent attacks upon the integrity 
of the Union, more insidious and yet scarcely 
less dangerous than the blows of armed rebellion 
itself. Little by little the substantial business 
interests of the North came to see that a policy 
which prolonged prostration of the South's mate- 
rial interests worked disaster to that free inter- 
State trade which is the life-blood of our National 
prosperity. Finally, the withdrawal of Federal 
interference from Louisiana and South Carolina, 
and the grant to the people of those States to 
exercise their legitimate political functions com- 
pleted the victory for which Mr. Thurman and his 
colleagues in Congress had made such devoted 
effort through more than a decade of portentous 
political unrest. 

CHASING AWAY RADICAL BOGIES. 

An extract from one of his speeches at that 
time illustrates very well his plain, direct mode of 
expression, and shows how forcibly he met some 
of the spectral issues with which for years the 
Republican politicians sought to delude the people 
of the country. Speaking on the subject of po- 
litical disabilities and amnesty in the Senate, Janu- 
ary 23d, 1872, he said in reply to Senator Mor- 
ton : 

"It has come to be the custom, I am inclined to 
think, for the Senator from Indiana, at the beqan- L. 



360 LIFE OF ALLEX G. TIIURMAN. 

ning of each political campaign, to make a speech 
which the lesser lights of the Republican party 
and the Republican press generally announce as 
the key-note of that campaign ; and it seems that 
he is looked to to sound the key-note of each 
campaign — that that function has been devolved 
upon him or assumed by him until it has passed 
into a part of the common law of the Radical 
party. And now at the beginning of this great 
campaign of 1872 the Senator has sounded his 
note again, and I only regret that in all the long 
years that he has been studying this music he has 
found no new tune, nor even a single new note. It 
is the same old note again; it is the same old tune 
again; it is the same old horrors of the Rebellion ; 
it is the same old wickedness of the instigators of 
that Rebellion ; it is the same old terrible suffering 
that that Rebellion entailed on the country; anditis 
the same frightful array of ghosts, found nowhere 
except in the Senator's imagination, portending 
misery, nay destruction, to the country should the 
Democratic party ever get into power. 

" It is the same old cry of payment of the rebel 
debt ; payment of pensions to rebel soldiers ; re- 
institution of slavery ; refusal to pay our own 
debt ; refusal to pay pensions to our own soldiers; 
and so on to the end of the tune. These are 
charges that certainly the Senator believes, or he 
would not make them ; for no one is authorized to 
charge a Senator, especially when speaking from 



IN THE DA YS OF RECONSTRUCTION. 361 

his place in this Chamber, with asserting what he 
does not believe. These are charges which un- 
doubtedly the Senator believes ; apprehensions 
which his lively imagination conjures up in his 
fertile brain, but which I venture to say no other 
human being-, in the whole length and breadth of 
the Republic, in his senses, and intelligent enough 
to form an opinion, does believe for one single in- 
stant. 

"Why, how is it ? Payment of the rebel debt? 
How is it to be paid in the face of your Fourteenth 
Amendment, which prohibits even a State from 
making any payment of it? Payment of pensions 
to rebel soldiers ! Positively prohibited by your 
Fourteenth Amendment. Repudiation of your own 
debt ! Its payment is solemnly guarantied by your 
own Constitution. Reinstitution of slavery! It 
is positively prohibited by your Constitution and 
by the Constitution of every State in the Union. 
And yet a Senator, a distinguished Senator, a 
Senator who is looked upon, perhaps, as the leader 
of his party and the particular mouthpiece of the 
Administration, has the boldness to get up in the 
American Senate, before it and the American 
people, and, sounding the key-note of the cam- 
paign, to hold up these preposterous pictures to 
frighten the credulous out of their propriety ! Sir, 
it may do very well on the stump in some swamp 
of Indiana ; it may do very well before an igno- 
rant audience who do not know or have not ability 



362 LIFE OF ALLEN G, THURMAN. 

to comprehend what is reasonable and what is not, 
and who are accustomed to take the assertions of 
the Senator from Indiana as a part of the law of 
the land, as sacred and as truthful as Holy Writ ; 
but with men accustomed to reflect and deal fairly 
with a subject, it is not too much to say — and I 
speak without disrespect to the Senator — that all 
the apprehensions he has expressed are simply 
preposterous — nay, more, simply ridiculous." 

STATE RIGHTS AND FEDERAL POWERS. 

In the same admirable speech he gave very 
lucid exposition of the modern Democratic idea 
of the Constitutional relation of State Rights to 
Federal powers, when he said : 

" Mr. President, I once more say that, although 
I have never gone to any such length as some 
State-rights men have gone in deducing the doc- 
trine of the riofht of secession, and have never be- 
lieved and do not believe in that doctrine, yet I 
am, and hope I shall die, a State-rights man. I 
am so because I believe that the existence of the 
States and the existence of local self-government 
are essential to freedom and to prosperity in this 
country. 

" Why, sir, if there is no such thing as State 
rights, how comes it that the two distinguished 
Senators from Vermont are here, coming from a 
State with not one-tenth, not one-twelfth, very 
little more than one-thirteenth, of the population 



IN THE DAYS OF RECONSTRUCTION. 363 

of the State of New York ? How comes it that 
with three hundred thousand inhabitants only, 
there are two Senators on this floor from Ver- 
mont, while New York, with more than four mil- 
lions, has but two ? How comes that, sir, if there 
be no such thing as State rights? What right 
have they to make local law for Ohio ? Why 
should New York, with her four millions of peo- 
ple and only two Senators on this floor, have her 
local law made here by the votes of twelve Sena- 
tors from New England, when all New England 
has not a population equal to hers ? How is it 
that twelve votes shall be received here from New 
England to make local law for Missouri ? In that 
local law New England has no interest whatso- 
ever, while that great State, soon to have a popu- 
lation equal to that of all of New England, and 
now with a population half as great, has but two 
Senators on this floor. What is it that gives this 
unequal representation in the Senate but 'the doc- 
trine of State rights ; nay, sir, to go further, but 
the doctrine of the original sovereignty of the 
States ? I am not complaining of this. I am 
willing to stand by this inequality in the Senate of 
the United States so long as you stand by the 
Constitution as its framers intended it to be. So 
long as you do not trample State governments 
out of existence, so long as you let local legisla- 
tion be the subject of local State law alone, so 
long as you do not interfere and usurp the powers 



364 LIFE OF ALLEN G. TIWRMAN. 

that properly belong to the States, I greet with 
arms wide open the Senators from the smallest 
State of this Union ; nay, I will take the Senators 
from Nevada into my embrace, although their 
whole State does not contain as many people as 
the little city in which I live ; I will take them and 
welcome them here so long as you leave to the 
State governments that power which the framers 
of the Constitution intended they should have, 
and which, in my judgment, is essential to the very 
existence of free institutions at all. But if you 
will strike down that power, if you will abolish 
local legislation, if you will annihilate the States, 
if you will make them mere departments of a cen- 
tralized Government, if you will make them the 
mere counties of a great State, then I say to Sen- 
ators the time will come when that inequality in 
the Senate will not be submitted to longer. I do 
not want to see that time. I want to see no such 
question raised. I want to see the Constitution 
administered in the spirit in which it was framed. 
I want the General Government sufficiently strong 
to protect us against all foreign aggression. I 
want it to be sufficiently strong to protect us in 
the enjoyment of peace in this country so far as 
that function is devolved upon it by the Constitu- 
tion. I want to believe that, with all its blessings, 
it will endure for all time to come, if anything of 
earthly institution can so long endure. But I do 
firmly believe that it is precisely the institution of 



IN THE DAYS OF RECONSTRUCTION. 365 

State governments, it is precisely the allotment of 
local legislation to a local power, which enables 
this Republic to spread itself from ocean to ocean, 
and from the arctic zone down to the torrid. 
Strike that out of it, strike its local self-govern- 
ment out of the system, and it will go the way 
that all consolidated centralized Governments 
have gone in all time past ; first a despotism un- 
endurable, and next a rending into fragments 
more numerous far than the States of this Union 
now are." 

OBJECTIONS TO CENTRALIZATION. 

In a previous campaign speech he had thus for- 
cibly set forth the dangers of the centralizing 
tendencies which were at this period controlling 
the legislation of the countrv: 

"I am opposed to the centralization of all pow- 
ers in the Federal Government, for reasons that 
can be but briefly and imperfectly stated in the 
proper limits of a speech. 

"First. I am opposed to it because it would be 
destructive of the existence of the Republic. The 
Republic could not, in my judgment, long endure 
under such a system. It would break down under 
its own weight. There never was a greater mis- 
take than to suppose that a government of des- 
potic powers is alone able to govern a great 
extent of territory. The very reverse of the 
proposition is nearer the truth. Vast monarchies 



366 LIFE OF ALLEN G. 7 II UK MAN. 

have existed, covering great portions of the earth, 
and seeming for a time, to be indestructible, yet 
how few of them remain ? And where they yet 
exist, how miserable, comparatively, is the condi- 
tion of the people ! I am not speaking of com- 
pact countries of limited extent, in which central- 
ized power is possible and may long endure. Nor 
am I speaking of people who have no aspiration 
for freedom or for a better state of mental, mate- 
rial, and social well-being. What I speak of is a 
territory similar to our own, and a people loving 
freedom and seeking prosperity. And it is in ref- 
erence to such a territory with such a people, that 
I affirm it to be an impossibility that a great cen- 
tralized Government can lon^ rule over it. Either 
the Government "will undergo a change, or the 
territory will be rent inio pieces and separate and 
independent governments be set up on the frag- 
ments. 

"This, then, is my first objection to such a cen- 
tralized government as I have supposed. Its inev- 
itable result would be, in my opinion, the disinte- 
gration of the Republic at no very distant day. 

" Secondly. But were it possible for such a 
government to rule this country, what would be 
its effects? We have a territory of vast extent, 
stretching from ocean to ocean, with a great 
diversity of climate, soils, productions, arts, indus- 
tries, occupations, capital, and wages. The diver- 
sity of peoples is not less remarkable. And then 



IN THE DAYS OF RECONSTRUCTION. 367 

the people of each State have grown up under 
their own State laws, to which their affections are 
bound by the force of iabk, and because they are 
the enactments of their own free will. Add to 
these considerations the difference in social ob- 
servances and customs, and conceive, if you can, 
of a country in which local self-government is 
more indispensable to the interest or happiness of 
the people, or in which it would be more impos- 
sible, without a crushing tyranny, to subject the 
whole community to an uniform, iron rule." 

BAYONET GOVERNMENT IN LOUISIANA. 

On January 5th, 1875, Mr. Thurman offered a 
resolution in the Senate requesting the President 
to inform the Senate if any portion of the Army 
had been used to interfere with the organization 
of the Legislature in Louisiana. Mr. Schurz had 
also introduced a resolution, " That the Committee 
on the Judiciary be instructed to inquire what leg- 
islation by Congress is necessary to secure to the 
people of the State of Louisiana their rights of 
self-government und^r the Constitution, and to 
report with the least possible delay by bill or 
otherwise. " Upon the question involved in these 
inquiries Senator Thurman made one of the most 
elaborate and exhaustive speeches of his Sena- 
torial career, on January 25th, 1872. He traced 
the be^innin^ and continuation of the Louisiana 
troubles with keen, scalpel and firm hand, and 



368 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

diagnosed the whole case with the ability of a 
lawyer and statesman. With vivid truthfulness 
he said : 

" But the men who have exercised supreme 
power in Louisiana for the last two years have 
held their offices and exercised their powers, ac- 
cording- to the finding of your own Committee on 
Privileges and Elections, by means of a void mid- 
night order made by a Federal judge without 
authority and enforced by the bayonets of the 
Army of the United States, and upheld by the 
Chief Magistrate of the Republic ; and the sole 
title to-day of William P. Kellogg to be Gov- 
ernor of Louisiana is the sanction by the Presi- 
dent of the United States of these unconstitu- 
tional proceedings, and the sole foundation upon 
which he stands, the sole thing that upholds him 
in his usurpation, are the glittering bayonets of 
the Federal Army. 

$ # * * * :■ 4* * 

"Why, sir, to say nothing about the corruption 
thatexists, just think of one thing — just thinkof this 
fact : ' The securities of the State have fallen in two 
years' — that is, since Kellogg was inaugurated — 
1 from 70 or 80 to 25 ; of the city of New Orleans, 
from 80 or 90 to 30 or 40, while the fall in bank 
shares, railway shares, city and other corporate 
companies, has in a degree corresponded. 
Throughout the rural districts of the State the 
n igroes, reared in habits of reliance upon their 



IN 7I/E DAYS OF RECONSTRUCTION. 369 

masters for support, and in a community in which 
the members are always ready to divide the ne- 
cessaries of life with each other, not regarding 
such action as very evil, and having immunity 
from punishment from the nature of the local 
officials, had come to filching and stealing fruit, 
vegetables, and poultry so generally — as Bishop 
Wilmarth stated without contradiction from any 
source — that the raising of these articles had to 
be entirely abandoned, to the great distress of 
the white people, while within the parishes, as 
well as in New Orleans, the taxation had been 
carried almost literally to the extent of confisca- 
tion. In New Orleans the assessors are paid a 
commission for the amount assessed, and houses 
and stores are to be had there for the taxes.' 

" That is, you can have among the best of the 
dwelling-houses in New Orleans, among the best 
of the stores, without any other rent than the 
payment of the taxes. But that is not all. 

"'In Natchitoches the taxation reached about 
eight per cent, of the assessed value of the 
property.' 

" Eight per cent, of the assessed value, and 
yet the people of Natchitoches are expected to 
be very quiet and contented ! With a taxation 
more than five times the average taxation in the 
State of Ohio bearing upon that depressed people, 
they are expected to be quiet and contented ; and 
if they are not quiet and contented, a Lieutenant- 



3 JO L IFE OF A LLE N G. 7IIURMA //. 

General of the Army of the United States pro- 
poses that the President shall proclaim that they 
are 'banditti/ and then nothing more will be 
necessary than the duty that will devolve on him ! 
Ah, sir, I never expected to live to see the day, in 
what was once called free America, in what was 
once called a republic, when such things as these 
could take place, and any man, who called himself 
a freeman or a lover of liberty and of free insti- 
tutions, could stand up to defend or even to pal- 
liate them. 

" Sir, have the rights of the States become of 
so little consequence, has the supremacy of the 
civil over the military power become so absolute, 
that a soldier of the Federal Government can in- 
vade a State Legislature and eject persons claim- 
ing seats therein, and make no report of his pro- 
ceedings and of the reasons that induced them ? 
Have our generals stationed in the States become 
irresponsible satraps, ruling over prostrate prov- 
inces according to their own supreme will and 
pleasure ? Where, I repeat, is the report of De 
Trobriand? What account does he crive of his 
acts on that memorable day ? What defense does 
he make for a deed that the President himself is 
forced to admit was without legal justification ? 
What order of his superior, General Emory, does 
he produce in his defense ; and, if any, what ex- 
cuse has Emory to allege for issuing the order? 
And, order or no order, what step has the Presi- 



IN THE DA YS OF RECONSTRUCTION. 37 I 

dent taken to brin^f these offenders against the 
Constitution and the laws to an account for their 
misconduct? Upon all these points the message 
is as silent as the grave. Except inferentially, 
and by a reference to Sheridan's telegram, it does 
not even admit that there was military interfer- 
ence at all. But thus admitting it, while it de- 
clines to justify, it seeks to palliate and excuse it. 
We are told that ' the Army is not composed of 
lawyers,' and that ' there are circumstances con- 
nected with the late legislative imbroglio in Louisi- 
ana which seem to exempt the military from any 
intentional wron^ in that matter/ 

" Ah, Mr. President, are we yet to learn that it 
is no defense for the humblest and most ignorant 
man in the land, accused of crime, that he was 
ignorant of the law, and that his intentions in vio- 
lating it were not willfully wrong, nay, were praise- 
worthy ? In no civilized country, in no country 
where law prevails, is that defense allowed. But 
when one of the crreatest of crimes against free 
institutions has been committed in this Republic — 
when, in plain violation of our fundamental law 
and of the underlying principle of all free gov- 
ernment, the military has set itself above the civil 
power, then the brigadier-general who acted, the 
major-general who ordered, and the Lieuten- 
ant-General who approves, are exempted from 
censure by the Commander-in-Chief, the President, 
on the plea that they are not lawyers, and that no 



372 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

intentional wron^ was designed. It is of no con- 
sequence that the military assumed to decide who 
were members of a State Legislature ; it is of no 
consequence that they expelled members duly 
elected, and that in consequence of that expulsion 
the seats of those members are now held by de- 
feated candidates ; it is of no consequence that by 
these high-handed proceedings the will of the 
people of Louisiana has been overthrown and a 
government not of their choice imposed on them 
by force — all these things are of no consequence, 
it would seem, in the eyes of the President ; for 
none of these things has he a word of censure or 
rebuke; for is it not true, he exclaims, that Army 
people are not lawyers ? and whatever may have 
been their offenses they were guiltless of intentional 



wronof. 



" Senators, if you wish free institutions to be 
preserved, it is time to teach the Army, from the 
highest to the lowest man in it, that there is such 
a thing as law, and that the absence of intentional 
wrong does not justify its violation. It is time to 
teach it that in every free country the military is 
subordinate to the civil power. It is time to teach 
it that in this Republic the States as well as the 
Federal Government have rights that are sacred 
and must be respected. 

******* 

" General Sheridan telegraphs that there have 
been thirty-five hundred murders in the State of 



IN THE DAYS OF RECONSTRUCTION. $1 $ 

Louisiana since 1866. How does he know it? 
He had been in New Orleans four days. How 
did he learn that there had been thirty-five hun- 
dred murders there? From rumor, or the state- 
ments of persons interested in libeling the people 
of Louisiana. Furthermore, it was said yesterday 
on this floor that not one single case of murder 
in Louisiana had been punished, if I understood 
the remarks of the Senator who spoke. Why, 
sir, I have in my desk a list of no less than thir- 
teen pardons by Kellogg of persons convicted oi 
homicide, and most of them of murder in the first 
degree, in the single year 1874. No convictions, 
forsooth ! 

" It has been said again and again that white 
men are not arrested who commit murder ; that 
nobody but black men are arrested. I have be- 
fore me a statement of the committals to one of 
the largest prisons in that State of homicides ; and 
let us see what is the color of the persons arrested 
and committed for that offense. This covers the 
time spoken of by Sheridan, and of the arrests 
for homicide fifty-eight were white and forty-four 
blacks. Does that look as if white men are al- 
lowed to go acquit ? More white men were 
arrested, more white men charged with homicide 
there than blacks, and yet the number is so nearly 
equal that one is at a loss to know which class of 
the community is most to be condemned. 

" But why undertake to convey the idea that all 



374 LIFE OF ALLEN G. Til UR MAN. 

the homicides in Louisiana or Arkansas or Mis- 
sissippi are homicides for political purposes, when 
the fact is notorious that the majority of the 
homicides committed in those States are by blacks 
upon blacks, and it could not well be otherwise. 
You set free that vast population of colored men, 
the most of them being in profound ignorance. 
That was all right enough. I am glad they are 
free and have always been glad to see them free. 
But when you have set them free and banded 
them together as you did in loyal leagues, and set 
their faces in opposition to the whites, and drawn 
the race line as plain as a sunbeam ; when you did 
that through your Freedman's Bureau and the 
expenditure of public money — when that was 
done and those negroes had arms in their hands, 
somebody was bound to be hurt. You could not 
put arms in the hands of those men in their semi- 
barbarous condition without their feeling a dispo- 
sition to use them. It is in their instincts ; it is in 
their nature ; and although they do improve, as I 
have every reason to believe they do, in civiliza- 
tion, year by year, yet it was inevitable that if you 
put into the hands of seven or eight hundred 
thousand semi-barbarians instruments of destruc- 
tion they would use them ; and they destroy each 
other far more than the whites destroy them. Yet 
every murder that takes place is exaggerated — 
for it is swelled to ten before you get through 
with it — and is said to be a murder for political 
purposes. Ah, Mr. President, the waning fortunes 



IN THE DA YS OF RECONSTK UCTIOX. 375 

of no political party can be sustained by any such 
clamor as this. No, sir ; the people of the United 
States are too wise, are too just, and know too 
well how to sift testimony, to be imposed upon by 
any such statements. * * * * * 

" Mr. President, one word more and I have 
done. These outrages, if they exist, are very 
much to be deplored ; but there is something 
more deplorable than even violence. When you 
sap the foundation of Constitutional Government, 
when you overthrow the free institutions of Amer- 
ica, you do an evil, you perpetrate a wrong, 
fraught with a thousand times more mischief to 
your fellow-men now and in the future than even 
the prevalence of crime. You cannot accustom 
the prople of this country to see the military place 
itself above the civil power ; you cannot accustom 
the people of this country to see armed men 
intrude themselves into the halls of legislation 
and decide questions of membership there with 
the bayonet ; you cannot see that done and pass 
it by even in silence, much less with approbation, 
much longer without finding that everything like 
respect for Constitutional Government and free 
institutions has vanished from the land. Ah, Mr. 
President, it is a terrible crime to assassinate a 
man, but it is worse crime to assassinate the Con- 
stitution of a free people. These acts of military 
interference have driven a daQf^er to the heart of 
free institutions, and the question now to be set- 
tled is whether they can survive the blow." 



CHAPTER VII. 

OTHER NOTABLE SPEECHES THE ELECTIVE FRAN- 
CHISE CHINESE IMMIGRATION SILVER COINAGE. 

IN the United States Senate, Mr. Thurman 
spoke at length, and repeatedly, in favor of 
the expulsion of Caldwell, of Kansas, for 
bribery. He opposed the admission of Pinchbeck, 
the Senatorial pretender from Louisiana ; he bore 
a conspicuous part in the debate over the Geneva 
Award bill — in which most of the lawyers of the 
Senate antagonized Blaine ; and, indeed, his voice 
was heard upon nearly every leading topic that 
engaged the attention of the Senate while he was 
a member of it. 

Upon the entrance of Mr. Blaine into the Sen- 
ate, and the introduction of new methods of 
address which that rather boisterous publicist 
brought with him, Mr. Thurman found subject 
for lrequent castigations ; in December, 1878, 
when Mr. Blaine introduced a resolution inquir- 
ing into interferences with the free exercise of 
the elective franchise, Mr. Thurman, with most 
unsparing severity, pointed out that the object 
of the inquiry was not to vindicate the right of 
suffrage throughout the Union, but to revive sec- 



376 



NOTABLE SPEECHES. 377 

tionalism, to arouse hatred in one portion of the 
country against the defenseless people of another. 
On the broad subject of the elective franchise, 
Mr. Thurman said: 

" I am not here to-day to justify the violation of 
the rights of any man, however humble he may 
be, whatever may be the color of his skin, what- 
ever may be the poverty of his situation. I am 
here for no such purpose as that. If I know my 
own heart, I am as much in favor of respecting 
the rights of every man under the Constitution 
as the Senator from Maine or any other Senator 
on this floor; but I do know that property, intel- 
ligence, education will assert their influence 
everywhere on the face of this globe. 

"Now, Mr. President, let me say one word more 
on this subject. Who was it that drew the color 
line between the whites and the negroes in the 
South ? Let me tell you, sir, that millions of 
money, of the money of the people of the United 
States, were expended by your agents, the Freed- 
man's Bureau agents, in getting every colored 
man in the South into loyal leagues and swearing 
him never to vote for a Democrat. That is where 
the color line began to be drawn. That institu- 
tion which took charge of the neoro a t the ballot- 
box, took charge of him in the cotton field, took 
charge of him everywhere, supervised every con- 
tract that he made, allowed no contract to be 
made unless it had the approval of the agents of 



3J8 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

the Freedman's Bureau, and spent the money 
and property called ' captured and abandoned 
property' that was surrendered to it, and many 
millions of money directly appropriated out of the 
Treasury of the United States — it was that Bu- 
reau and its agents who first drew the color line. 
And yet when the white people of the South, 
when the men owning the property and having 
the intelligence and the education at the South, 
saw their very social system menaced with de- 
struction, saw their very households threatened 
with ruin under an inundation of barbarism 
directed by the most unscrupulous of men, and 
when they naturally came together, when they 
naturally united, as people menaced with danger 
ever will unite, then a cry is raised against 'the 
solid South !' Ah, Mr. President, it will not do. 
This system of legislation toward the South that 
began more than ten years ago is reaping 
its fruit ; and it is not by additional penal laws 
that you can better the condition of this country. 
What does the Senator want more penal laws 
for? Let him look into the statute-book on this 
very subject ; let him read the statutes in regard 
to the enforcement of the rights of citizens to vote, 
and I defy him to find in the statute-books of any 
civilized country on this globe a body of laws so 
minute, so searching, and bristling all over with 
fines and forfeitures as do these laws. 

" But that is not all. In addition to that you 



NOTABLE SPEECHES. 379 

have a vast machinery of superintendents of elec- 
tion, Federal supervisors, marshals, deputy mar- 
shals, paid electioneerers out of the Treasury of the 
United States, under the guise of being men to 
preserve the freedom of suffrage and peace at 
elections. You have a whole army of them pro- 
vided for by your statutes. What more does the 
Senator want ? I think I see, Mr. President, what 
is wanted. I think this is a note which is sounded 
to the people of the North that they must retrace 
their steps ; and this very party which required 
two amendments to the Constitution to be made 
in the interest, it was said, of the colored popula- 
tion of the South, is now preparing to face about, 
retrace its steps, and undo what it did only a few 
years ago. Either directly or by indirection that 
is to be done. Indeed, I thought, while the Sen- 
ator from Maine was making his speech, how 
much reason this country, and especially the 
Southern part of the country, had to congratulate 
itself that the next House of Representatives will 
not have a majority of gentlemen thinking like the 
Senator from Maine, for if he is riofht in what he 
said, if his threats are not mere idle wind — and I 
certainly do not attribute any such thing to him — 
if they are deep-seated and permanent thoughts 
of those with whom he acts, then I should be pre- 
pared to see a House of Representatives in which 
there was a Republican majority exclude Southern 
members by the score ; then I should be prepared 



380 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

to see them decide themselves that the rignt of 
suffrage was prohibited down there to the negro, 
and then to see them in their supreme authority, 
as they would construe it, vote out the chosen 
Representatives of the South, not by ones, not by 
twos, but by the score. It is a fortunate thing for 
this country, it is a fortunate thing for our free in- 
stitutions, that there is not in the present House 
of Representatives, and will not be in the next, a 
majority thinking as the Senator from Maine 
thinks, and willing to act as I fear he is willing to 
act. 

"Mr. President, one word on the amendment I 
have offered. My own belief is that there is a far 
greater danger that menaces our institutions and 
menaces the right of suffrage in this country than 
that to which the Senator from Maine has alluded. 
Sir, the most disheartening thincr to an American 
wholoves free institutions is to seethatyearbyyear 
the corrupt use of money in elections is making its 
way until the time may come, and that within the 
observation of even the oldest man here, when 
elections in the United States will be as debauched 
as ever they were in the worst days of the old 
borough parliamentary elections in the mother 
land. 

" Mr. President, there is the great danger. The 
question is whether this country shall be governed 
with a view to the rights of every man, the poor 
man as well as the rich man, or whether the long- 



NOTABLE SPEECHES. ^St 

est purse shall carry the elections and this be a 
mere plutocracy instead of a democratic repub- 
lic. That is the danger ; and that danger, let me 
tell my friend, exists far more in the North than 
it does in the South. Sir, if he wants to preserve 
the purity of elections, if he wants to have this 
Government perpetuated as a system that can be 
honestly administered from the primary election 
to the signature of a bill by the President of the 
United States, let him set his face and exercise 
his great ability in stopping the flood-gates of 
corruption that threaten to deluge the whole land 
and bring republican institutions into utter ruin 
and disgrace." 



ON THE CHINESE QUESTION. 

Before the importation of Chinese servile 
laborers in great hordes upon the Pacific coast 
had become a subject of general attention and 
discussion throughout the country, Mr. Thur- 
man had expressed his views and taken a decided 
position. As early as September 10th, 1870, in a 
campaign speech at Cincinnati, more than five 
years before the Legislature of California memo- 
rialized Congress on the subject, Mr. Thurman, 
addressing his constituents, said : 

" I do not think that a lar^e Chinese immigfra- 
tion to this country is desirable. I do not think 
it would be a valuable acquisition. On the con- 



382 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

trary, I think it would be a seriously disturbing 
element. In race, civilization, habits, education, 
and religion the Chinese are widely different from 
our people — so different as to form a very strik- 
ing contrast. The European immigrants are of 
the same race, religion, and civilization as our- 
selves, and while they add immensely to the 
power and wealth of the Republic, they do not 
seriously disturb the substantial homogeneity of 
our white population. Their migration, therefore, 
benefits the country and deserves encouragement. 
Not so with the Chinese. They will never be- 
come one people with us. Were they to dwell 
here for centuries they would probably be as dis- 
tinct from the white race as are gypsies in Spain 
from the pure-blooded Spaniard. We are destined 
to have a great commerce with Asia, and the 
natural result will be the voluntary migration from 
that continent of a limited number of business 
men. I see no objection to that. It will not in- 
terfere with our mechanics or laborers, will not 
disturb our social or political system, while it will 
tend, by an increase of our commercial connections, 
to add to our commerce and wealth. But that is 
a wholly different thing from the Coolie immigra- 
tion that is now going on, and which, if not stopped, 
must alarmingly increase. This immigration is 
in no proper sense of the word voluntary. It is 
a kind of Chinese slave trade. Instead of an in- 
dependent, self-reliant body of freemen, it intro- 



notable speeches. 383 

duces a horde of quasi slaves, working at half 
wages by the command of a taskmaster. 

" And this leads me to notice a statement I 
have seen, that this country needs cheap labor ; 
in other words, men who will work for low wages ; 
that there is a scarcity of laborers here, and, 
therefore, Chinese laborers should be imported 
to supply the deficiency. 

*'I do not concur in this view. My opinion is 
that we, or rather our posterity, are much more 
likely to suffer from a redundancy of population 
than from a dearth of it. In thirty years from 
now we will have one hundred millions of people, 
without counting a Chinese immigrant, in sixty 
years two hundred millions, in one hundred years 
probably four hundred millions. We are in no 
danger of a scarcity of laborers. 

" Nor do I think that low wa^es are a blessing 
to any country. In the opinion of an eminent 
thinker, Buckle, low wages and despotism are in- 
separable. It will be found, I think, that the 
freer the institutions of a country are, the greater 
will be the tendency to fair wages for labor. Low 
wages are mainly owing to an unequal and unfair 
distribution of the annual production of wealth. 
This annual production, which is nearly all the 
result of labor, is being constantly divided into 
four parts, rents to the landlord, interest to the 
money lender, profits to the business man, and 
wages to the laborer. Now, if the wages be low 



384 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

:t must be because the annual product is small 
and all classes suffer, or because that product is 
unfairly distributed. In general, the latter is the 
cause, and when wages are very low the laborer 
gets but a bare subsistence, while the other classes, 
or some of them, accumulate enormous wealth. 
And thus society becomes divided into the very 
rich and the very poor. That this is an unfortu- 
nate condition for a country is too obvious to need 
remark, and that its tendency is hostile to free 
institutions, as well as to the material comfort of 
the people, is undoubtedly true. I have therefore 
no sympathy with the cry for cheap labor and 
low wages. They may give rise, it is true, to 
great public works and magnificent structures, but 
the benefit is gained at the expense of a suffering 
people. The Pyramids are striking monuments 
of the pride and ostentation of kings, but they 
are more striking evidences of a degraded condi- 
tion of the laboring class. That country is likely 
to be most free and happy where the annual pro- 
duction of wealth being justly distributed, labor 
obtains a fair reward." 

Six years later, when Senator Sargent pre- 
sented the grievances of the people of his State 
a.nd section against the evils of Chinese immiora- 
tion, and after the report of a committee of in- 
quiry on the subject, the bill to restrict the immi- 
gration of the Chinese, which passed the House 
by 155 to 72, found Mr. Thurman one of its fore- 



NOTABLE SPEECHES. 38 5 

most champions in the Senate. Hayes vetoed 
the bill. Future restrictive legislation had Thur- 
man's support, and this is one of the reasons why 
he has always been enthusiastically favored by 
the people of the Pacific States. 

A BIMETALLISM 

The position he has consistently maintained 
upon the coinage of silver and the retention of 
both metals as the basis of our currency is one 
about which parties have been divided, and the 
lines that mark the division are geographical 
rather than political. Mr. Thurman never be- 
lieved in an irredeemable paper currency, and 
never abandoned the Jacksonian Democratic hard- 
money idea. To his view, gold and silver, metals . 
of intrinsic value, international exchanges the 
world over, ought both to be maintained in circu- 
lation as currency and as the basis of the paper 
money of the country. He supported the Act of 
the Forty-fifth Congress for the coinage of silver 
dollars ; he thought that the contract provided for 
the payment of public debts in coin of the stand- 
ard of 1870, when the dollar of 412^ grains was 
full legal tender, and that such dollars would 
approximate to gold in value. 

He made a strong speech in the Senate on 
February 6th, 1878, on the proposition to author- 
ize the free coinage of the standard silver dollar, 



2,86 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

and to restore its legal tender character ; and in 
the course of it he said : " Mr. President, silver and 
gold have been the metallic money of the world 
for thousands of years. They are also the money 
of our Constitution. They were the metallic 
money of the colonies, and afterward of the Uni- 
ted States, from the Declaration of Independence 
until silver was demonetized, by mistake and 
without the knowledge of the people or Congress, 
by the enactment of the Revised Statutes in 1874. 
Both metals are suited to perform the functions 
of money, and silver does perform that function 
among a large majority of the human race. Sil- 
ver is especially suited for small transactions, and 
may therefore be properly called the money of 
people in humble circumstances. It follows from 
these premises that the burden of proof rests on 
those who insist that silver should be demone- 
tized." 

He then proceeded with much cogency, and in 
logical order, to answer all the objections to the 
remonetization ol silver, and to advance a series 
of arguments in favor of it. A further extract 
will convey some idea of his line of reasoning : 

" It is by no means certain that the standard of 
value is less variable in monometallic than it is in 
bimetallic countries. An absolutely unvarying 
standard of value is an impossibility ; and the 
thinkers who have endeavored to discover such a 
standard have never been able to find it in any 



NOTABLE SPEECHES. 387 

one thing. Neither gold nor silver, nor any annual 
product of the earth or of human industry, nor 
the wages of labor (once insisted upon as the best 
standard), have been found to solve the problem. 
And hence it has been argued, with no little zeal, 
that the average price, or the average cost of pro- 
duction, of a number of commodities, some say 
as many as twenty, must be taken to find a stand- 
ard of value even approximatively correct. 

" I merely glance at these speculations of in- 
genious men and rely upon the judgment and ex- 
perience ot mankind, who for thousands of years 
have considered and found gold and silver to 
furnish the nearest possible approach to an un- 
varying standard, and the safest though not the 
most convenient instrument of exchange. I am 
content to rest upon this experience, which has 
been full, ample, enduring, until something better 
shall be discovered, should that event ever take 
place. But now, in answer to the gloomy fore- 
bodings we have heard, the predictions of ruin 
should this bill become a law, I wish to appeal for 
a moment to the teachings of history. 

" Mr. President, has there ever been, so far as 
we know, a more prosperous country than were 
the United States from 1789 to 1861 ? Did any 
nation ever exceed the progress we made in popu- 
lation, wealth, education, refinement, and the gen- 
eral well-being of the people, in those seventy- 
two years ? And yet during all that period we 



388 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

had bimetallism ; for we gave no preference to 
gold over silver, or to silver over gold. Those 
metals fluctuated then as they have done since, 
and probably ever will do, but no American states- 
man of that period thought of demonetizing 
either. Great Britain had set the example of 
demonetizing silver as early as 1816, and adopted 
the single gold standard, but neither the American 
people nor the American Congress thought of 
following that example. 

" And now, Mr. President, let us turn to Europe 
for a moment, and what do we hear ? The wait- 
ings of thousands of laboring men, women, and 
children thrown out of employment ; the cries of 
anguish of thousands of other men who but a 
year ago were rich but now are bankrupts ; in a 
word, the same notes of sorrow that so afflict our 
ears in our own distressed land. But from what 
countries do they mainly come ? From two, sir 
— from two — from gold, monometallic England, 
and gold, monometallic Germany ; while bimetal- 
lic France, the land of silver as weli as gold, en- 
joys a prosperity hardly exceeded by that of any 
people on the earth. 

" Among the gloomy predictions that have been 
uttered in this debate is the assertion that if this 
bill pass our foreign commerce will be disjointed 
and the national credit be destroyed. 

" Our foreign commerce disjointed ! Why, sir, 
have we not carried on the business of this coun- 



NOTABLE SPEECHES. 389 

try for the last sixteen years upon an inconvertible 
paper currency, and has our foreign commerce 
been destroyed or disjointed? Do we not import 
all we need ? Do we not export more than we 
ever before exported ? Is not the balance of trade 
in our favor? And if all this be true with a home 
currency of inconvertible paper money, how can 
any man who has the faculty of thought seriously 
believe that our condition would be worse with an 
ample basis of metallic money to support our 
paper issues? 

" The national credit destroyed ! How de- 
stroyed ? By complying to the letter with our 
national obligations ; by paying precisely as we 
promised to pay ? Sir, when silver was demone- 
tized it was worth more than gold. We seemed 
to have elected to pay our obligations in the 
cheaper metal. Did that destroy the national 
credit? 

"England, in 18 1 6, adopted the single gold 
standard when gold was cheaper than silver. Did 
that destroy her credit, did that humiliate and de- 
grade her in the eyes of the civilized world ? 

" No, Mr. President, the United States need no 
such prop as the single gold standard to support 
their credit. The resources of this country are too 
great and too well known, her fidelity to her obli- 
gations has been too well proved, for her credit to 
suffer by her return to her ancient, constitutional, 
and well-approved policy. And, for one, I long for 



390 LIFE OF ALLEN. G. THURMAN. 

the day, which I am too old ever to see, but 
which will come, when our obligations, National, 
State, municipal, and corporate, will be held at 
home and not abroad ; when there will be no 
annual drain of the resources of America to im- 
poverish our people and enrich foreign nations. 

" ' Our bonds will be returned from Europe if 
we pass this bill/ cries an alarmist. No, sir, they 
will not be returned ; or if they be to some small 
extent, or even in great amounts, they will soon 
be recalled. The telegraph says this morning 
that $6,000,000 are on their way from England. 
They will be getting back there very soon, whether 
this bill pass or not ; for were every one of them 
payable in silver coin, and were the depreciation 
of silver to continue, the interest upon them would 
be greater than any equally safe European public 
stock affords. But, again, they will not be returned 
unless they can find purchasers in the United 
States. Suppose they do find such purchasers, 
will not every one of you, Senators, congratulate 
yourself that our public debt is held at home? 
Will not every one of you remember that a prin- 
cipal reason why England can endure her im- 
mense indebtedness, why France can live under 
hers, is that English debts are held by Englishmen 
and French debts by Frenchmen ? And will you 
not hail the day when American debts shall be 
held by Americans and by Americans alone ?" 




w 



CHAPTER VIII. 

COMPELLING THE PACIFIC RAILWAYS TO ACCOUNT. 

ENATOR THURMAN'S natural Demo- 
cratic instinct led him early to see the 
dangers which threatened the country and 
the people in the vast accumulations of wealth and 
power by great corporations. Before he entered 
the Senate the subsidies and land grants given to 
the monopolies who received their charters from 
the Federal Government — and proposed to cross 
State lines and traverse the Territorial dominions 
in their construction — had been the fruitful source 
of political demoralization and personal corruption. 
The greedy " Give ! give !" of those whose hands 
and pockets had been already well filled was ring- 
ing through the halls of Congress ; corporate 
power, having obtained valuable franchises upon 
conditions never fulfilled, defied the Government 
to enforce the obligations which it held. 

As early as 1870, in a speech in Cincinnati, 
Senator Thurman had shown his disposition to 
warn his countrymen against the encroachment 
of these powers. Faithful guardian as he was of 
the riofhts of the Government and of the interests 
of the people, the nice sense of justice which en- 

391 



392 LIFE OF ALLEN G. TIIURMAN. 

dowed him for the legal profession withheld him 
from any destructive crusade upon the vested 
privileges of the objects of his denunciation. He 
said : 

" Look at the astounding subsidies to railroad 
companies — mere private corporations. To say 
nothing of the fifty-eight million acres granted to 
States for purposes of internal improvement, most 
of which have ^one into the hands of railroad 
companies, there had been granted by Congress 
before its last session directly to four railroad 
companies, the Union Pacific and branches, Cen- 
tral Pacific, Northern Pacific, and Atlantic and 
Pacific, 124,000,000 acres — more land than is 
contained in the Middle States, stretching from 
the Atlantic Ocean to the Mississippi River — that 
is to say, the seven States of New Jersey, Dela- 
ware, Pennsylvania, West Virginia, Ohio, Indiana, 
and Illinois. Besides this, a subsidy of over $60,- 
000,000 in bonds was granted to the two first- 
named roads — every dollar of which, though in 
name a loan, will, it can hardly be doubted, have 
to be paid by the United States. 

:■: :]: :]: '•:'• ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ 

" Not only this, the wealth, power, and dominion 
thus conferred upon these great and favored cor- 
porations will make them the overshadowing and 
ruling power in at least a dozen States. In reality, 
they and not the State Legislatures, will choose 
Senators in Congress; they, and not the unbiased 



COMPELLING RAILWAYS TO ACCOUNT. 



393 



Vdce of the people, will elect Representatives ; 
they, and not free States, will speak in the choice 
of Presidents. 

" Think of a road stretching from Lake Superior 
to the Pacific Ocean, embracing within its brandies 
more than two thousand miles of line, the prop- 
erty of a single corporation, and that corporation 
owning every alternate section of land, or its pro- 
ceeds, in a belt of eighty miles wide for nearly the 
whole length of its line — 40 sections, or 25,600 
acres to the mile — 53,000,000 acres in all, or the 
proceeds of their sale at such prices as the cor- 
poration may see fit to exact — with towns and 
cities owned by the corporation or a favored ring 
of its stockholders, scattered along the road, and 
the great stockholders, those owning nearly all its 
stock and ruling its affairs, residing in Boston, 
New York, and Philadelphia, and you will have 
some idea what the Northern Pacific Railroad is 
to be, and what chance for political promotion any 
man within the limits of its influence would have, 
should he dare seek to restrict its monopoly, 
restrain its exactions, or otherwise oppose its 
will. 

" Much is bein£ now said about the relative 
rights of capital and labor ; much complaint is 
uttered at what is said to be the exactions of 
capital and the depression of labor. The w r orking 
men are everywhere forming unions, holding con- 
gresses, and issuing books, pamphlets, and news- 



394 LIFE 0F ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

papers, to advocate their claims, and protest 
against the unequal distribution of wealth, which 
they assert is resulting from existing laws, and 
especially from their tendency to aggregate 
capital. But what aggregation of capital and 
privilege was ever seen equal to that created by 
Congress, by the charters it has granted and the 
donations it has made to the four railroad com- 
panies I have named ? What other corporations 
have ever become the owners in fee of a territory 
equal to seven States of this Union, greater than 
the area of Germany ; and in addition to this 
wealth, been clothed with a corporate existence, 
and immense corporate privileges of perpetual 
duration ? I am certainly not so absurd as to be 
an enemy of railroads. No man acknowledges 
more fully than I do the immense advantage 
they are to a country ; no man honors more 
than I do the men who wisely project, and 
honestly build and manage them. I could men- 
tion names — some of the dead, some of the 
living — to whom Ohio owes a great debt of gra- 
titude for the construction, and liberal, wise, and 
successful management of her railways. But 
there is a vast difference between roads built under 
State authority, with capital furnished by the 
stockholders, supervised by the State, controlled 
and managed by her citizens, and limited in extent, 
and roads chartered bv Congress, built with dona- 
tions of the public domain, spanning more than 



COMPELLING RAILWAYS TO ACCOUNT. 395 

half the continent, and owned and -controlled by 
a few rich men in the great cities of the East. 

" Before I leave this topic, I must call your 
attention to an alarming step taken at the last 
session of Congress in the matter of these land 
grants. Before then Congress had never granted 
any but the alternate sections, designated by odd 
numbers, and in defense of these grants it was 
said that the construction of the railroads would 
double the value of the even-numbered sections 
retained by the Government, and hence there 
would be no loss of money, and accordingly the 
price of the retained sections was raised from 
$1.25 to $2.50 per acre. This defense never had 
any weight with me, for it treated the Govern- 
ment as a speculator in lands, seeking to extort 
the highest price from the settler ; whereas I 
thought, and yet think, that it is not as a specu- 
lator, but as a beneficent parent that the Govern- 
ment oucrht to regard and administer these lands. 
But that was the defense, and with those who look 
at nothing but dollars and cents it sufficed. But 
at the last session, the Senate threw even this 
defense away. For, in face of the most deter- 
mined opposition, and after full discussion, it 
deliberately passed a bill granting to the Central 
branch of the Union Pacific Railroad the even- 
numbered sections, the odd numbered having 
been already given to other railroad companies. 
And so, for a distance of about three hundred 



396 Life of allen g. thurmaM. 

miles, lying partly in Kansas, partly in Nebraska, 
and partly in the Territory of Wyoming, every foot 
of land belonorino- to the Government was granted, 
so far as the Senate could do it, to railroad cor- 
porations. And this leads me to observe that you 
must not suppose that because all the land-grab- 
bing bills that passed the Senate did not go 
through the House, therefore they are dead. In 
view of the approaching Congressional elections, 
and fearful of the people, the House laid some of 
them aside ; but they are still upon its calendar, to 
be acted upon next winter ; and should the Radi- 
cal party triumph in the fall elections, you may 
rest assured that every one of them will pass." 

PROTECTING THE GOVERNMENT'S RIGHTS. 

The disclosures of the Credit Mobilier scandal 
had called public attention to the fact that the 
liberal erants of the United States Government, 
in eood faith, for the building" of transcontinental 
lines of railway had been grossly misappropriated 
for the enrichment of the few favored members 
of the " inside rings." They had built the road 
on second mortgage bonds, which had by some 
legerdemain supplanted the security that the 
Government had taken for its subsidies, and the 
United States became holder of a precarious sub- 
ordinate lien for the money it had advanced. 
Although the original act required the railroads 



COM PR L L 1NG RAIL WA YS TO A CCO UNT. 397 

to pay their debts to the Government at maturity, 
and allowed it to retain only one-half of the sums 
arising from transportation, it seemed likely that 
before the principal of these obligations fell due 
the railroad managers would find their profit in 
abandoning their mortgaged property and in 
letting their Federal creditor collect its lien from 
what Mr. Thurman once said would be " a streak 
of rust" across the continent. An Act of 1873, 
the outcome of public indignation at the prospect, 
instructed the Attorney-General to sue the stock- 
holders for the Government's rights under the 
contract ; and the Government was empowered 
to retain all of the moneys which it otherwise 
would pay for mail service and transportation to 
the Pacific railroads until the interest in default 
by these corporations was met. The railroad 
companies brought suit to recover half of the 
withheld pay for these services, the other half 
beinof retained under the original contract. It 
was ruled by the courts that, under the terms of 
the contract between the Government and the 
companies' the interest on the bonds was not due 
until the principal matured. The Act of March, 
1873, was thus rendered ineffective; and the suit 
of the Government against Oakes Ames and 
other Credit Mobilier stockholders who had 
profited by the advantage taken of the Govern- 
ment was dismissed on the ground that the United 
States was an intermeddler in that issue between 



398 LIFE OF ALLEN G. TIIURMAN. 

the stockholders of the road and the men who 
cheated them ; being a creditor whose claim was 
not yet due, it had no concern in the suit it had 
raised up. The result of the litigation between 
1873 and 1 8 78 was favorable to the companies, 
and the prospect of the Government ever getting 
its just dues was gloomy indeed. 

A BRILLIANT FIGHT BRAVELY WON. 

It was then Mr. Thurman shifted the line of his 
attack; aided by Mr. Edmunds and opposed 
by Mr. Blaine and other friends of the corporate 
interests, he began the battle for the recovery of 
the plunder which the Pacific Railways were daily 
making away with in full sight of the executive, 
legislative, and judicial branches of the Govern- 
ment. He laid down the principle that a creditor 
whose debt, though not due, is in danger has a 
right to ask a court of equity to restrain the debtor 
from squandering his assets. He contended 
for an act which would create a sinking fund 
into which should be paid five per cent, of the 
net earnings and all the money that the Govern- 
ment was asked to pay the railway companies for 
service rendered ; that sinking fund, swelled thus 
annually by about $1,200,000, would gradually in- 
crease to meet at maturity, in part, at least, the 
interest and principal of the debt of the railway 
companies. For such a measure he and Mr. Ed- 



COMPELLING RAILWAYS TO ACCOUNT 399 

munds made gallant and successful struggle, 
though opposed at every stage of it by some of 
the ablest debaters of both parties. 

No higher service was rendered the country 
at the time than by the adoption of this measure, 
which checked and prevented an impudent attempt 
of defaulting corporations to evade their just 
debts. Not only were manymillions actually saved 
and thus gained to the public Treasury, but an 
example was set of strict accountability that was 
needed to repress a growing tendency on the 
part of Congress to deal liberally and loosely with 
the contracts of corporations. Mr. Thurman's 
speeches on the various phases of this legislation, 
far too numerous and lengthy to be quoted here, 
were in his usual vigorous style, and he never ap- 
peared to better advantage than when the gad- 
flies of parliamentary interruption swarmed about 
him. In attacking a proposed amendment to his 
bill, offered by Mr. Blaine, who thus sought to se- 
cure for the railroad companies a provision re- 
pealing in part the reserved powers of the Gov- 
ernment in the charters to alter, amend, or repeal 
them, Mr. Thurman said: 

" Mr. President, one of the things for which these 
railroad companies have been striving these many 
long years has been to get rid of that very re- 
served power; but this is the first time that they 
have ventured — no, not they ; I beg pardon for 
saying that — this is the first time that any one in 



400 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

the Senate of the United States or, I believe, in 
the House of Representatives, has ventured to 
champion such an idea. Their officers and law- 
yers, in their arguments before the Judiciary Com- 
mittee last November and December, urged upon 
us strenuously enough that we should make some 
kind of bargain with the companies, and they 
would be extremely liberal if we would only give 
up the right to alter, amend, or repeal their char- 
ters. Those arguments, taken in short-hand, will 
show that it is the cherished object of these cor- 
porations to get rid of that power of control which 
Congress possesses over them. They would give 
for that far more than the Senator from Maine 
asks from them. They would give far more than 
the Judiciary Committee bill asks from them, upon 
any interpretation, if Congress would surrender 
that power to alter, amend, or repeal. That, 
therefore, is involved in the amendment which is 
now under consideration. Congress, for good 
and sufficient reasons, I am willing to admit for 
the purposes of this argument, saw fit in 1862 to 
pass an act chartering railroad companies whose 
roads should extend over one-half of this conti- 
nent, and chartering them in perpetuity, charter- 
ing them with an existence that should endure as 
long as the Republic itself should endure, charter- 
ing them with powers such as never were con- 
ferred on any other railroad corporations on the 
face of this globe, endowing them as no other cor- 



COMPELLING RAILWAYS TO ACCOUNT. 40 1 

porations ever were endowed. And then, in 1864, 
it saw fit to nearly double the endowment, and to 
increase their powers and their privileges im- 
mensely beyond what they had been before. But 
in view of that fact, in view of the immense power 
and extent and wealth that these corporations 
would have, in view of the fact which human ex- 
perience has shown and nowhere more than in 
the United States, the power of concentrated 
capital, wielded in the employment of thousands 
and tens of thousands of men, the Congress 
wisely retained the power to alter, add to, amend, 
or repeal those charters. It did it for the very 
purpose for which such reservations are made, in 
the language of the Supreme Court of the United 
States. It did it because, in the language of that 
court — 

" 'The object of the reservation, and of similar 
reservations in other charters, is to prevent a 
grant of corporate rights and privileges in a form 
which will preclude legislative interference with 
their exercise, if the public interest ' — not the pri- 
vate interest of these corporations, as my friend 
from Connecticut [Mr. Eaton] suggests, but 
against their interest if necessary and against their 
will — 'if the public interest should at any time re- 
quire such interference. It is a provision intended 
to preserve to the State control over its contract 
with the corporators.' 

" That is the language of the Supreme Court, 



402 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

and that was the law of this land when the Con- 
gress of the United States in 1862, and again 
in 1864, said the Congress of the United States 
shall have control over this contract with these 
corporations. And now, sir, it is to get rid of 
that control, to fritter it away, to overthrow and 
destroy it, to annihilate the very thing for which 
the people of this country for thirty years have 
been contending, and which they have put into 
nearly thirty Constitutions of the States — it is 
to get rid of that, to trample it under foot, to 
render it a nullity, to construe it away, to make 
it not worth the paper on which the words are 
printed, that amendments like that now under 
consideration are offered." * * * " Mr. Pres- 
ident, I have said, and I repeat it, that, rather 
than see Congress give up that power of con- 
trol over these two great corporations, I would 
see every dollar of the debt they owe the Gov- 
ernment lost forever. I would rather see this 
bill sunk into the depths of the sea, never to be 
resurrected, than to see Congress yield for one 
day its power over these two corporations or 
any others over which it has the power." 

ENORMOUS FIGURES. 

With reference to the effect of the bill gener- 
ally, in the same speech, he said : 

"At the maturity of the debt the companies 
will still owe under present laws, that is, if they 



COMPELLING RAILWAYS TO ACCOUNT. 403 

should not be changed, according to the best esti- 
mate that can be made of the product of the five 
per cent, and the product of the half transporta- 
tion, $109 000,000. The estimate of the Judiciary 
Committee was J i 20,000,000, and of the Railroad 
Committee $122,000,000. The chief of accounts 
estimated it at J 1 09,000,000, because, as I have 
said, he estimates the five per cent, of net earnings 
and the half-transportation account higher than 
the estimate of the Committees under the Judiciary 
Committee bill, upon the Committee's estimate of 
$1,166,000, or in round numbers $1,200,000, as 
the amount of the five per cent, and the half- 
transportation, the sum that would be due to the 
Government at the maturity of the bonds, the 
average time of which is October 1st, 1897, would 
be $75,000,000. That is what the two companies 
would owe to the Government at that time upon 
the estimate made by the Judiciary Committee of 
the five per cent, and of the half-transportation, 
if the bill should pass ; but upon the estimate 
made by this expert, this chief of accounts, allow- 
ing for the increased business in the future at the 
ratio at which it has increased in the past, or 
something like that, the amount that would remain 
due would be $36,000,000. Under Senate bill 
No. 812, the bill of the Railroad Committee, the 
Government would sponge out fifty-three million 
and odd, losing that by mere computation of in- 
terest, and the companies would still owe at the 
maturity of the bonds $67,000,000, 



404 LIFE 0F ALLEN G - THURMAN. 

" Mr. President, it seems to me that this state- 
ment of itself shows that this is not a subject 
upon which the. hands of Congress ought to be 
tied, so that, no matter what may be the conse- 
quences in the future, no matter how these com- 
panies may mismanage their affairs, no matter, on 
the other hand, how prosperous they may be, we 
shall be so tied up that we can do nothing for the 
protection of their creditors." 

A DISINTERESTED STATESMAN. 

In concluding his remarks upon the Blaine 
amendment he said : " Having this bill in charge, 
having bestowed great care upon it, having be- 
stowed long study and much labor upon it, I 
thought it my duty to make some remarks in the 
close of the discussion. I wish, I repeat, to say 
in conclusion that I have no feeling on this subject 
and can have no feeling but that which becomes 
a Senator. My judgment is not in the least de- 
gree swayed by interest. There is no interest in 
Ohio adverse to these companies that does not 
exist in Georgia or Maine or any other State in 
the Union, and there is no interest adverse to 
them, unless to make them discharge their duties 
and pay their debts is an adverse interest. I do 
not know a citizen of Ohio who owns a dollar of 
stock in either one of these companies ; I do not 
know a citizen of Ohio who owns a bond of one 
of these companies ; I do not know a citizen of 
that State who is a creditor of one of these com- 



COMPELLING RAILWAYS TO ACCOUNT. 405 

panies in any way ; I do not know a citizen of my 
State who is a stockholder or creditor of any rival 
company to these companies. If there could be 
a constituency that stands perfectly impartial be- 
tween the Government and these corporations, it 
is the constituency that I have the honor in part to 
represent. All they ask of them, all they ask of 
their Representatives in Congress, is to see that 
justice is done. And in order that justice may be 
done they ask that their cherished principles, for 
which they long contended and which they carried 
by triumphant majorities and crystallized in the 
Constitution of the State, that every charter 
granted by the Legislature shall be subject to 
alteration, amendment, or repeal, in the discretion 
of the Legislature— they do ask that this great 
principle which they think essential to the preser- 
vation of liberty, essential to the preservation of 
purity in legislation, essential to the rights and 
prosperity of the people, essential to guard against 
the dangers that history taught them had so often 
befallen a people from the existence of monopolies, 
shall be maintained. They are unwilling that this 
great principle shall be frittered away and reduced 
to nothing, shall become a shadow instead of a 
living and potent reality. That they are unwilling 
to do. In all that I sympathize fully with them. 
And if I have expressed myself warmly on this 
subject, it is because I do so sympathize, and this it 
is that has led me to say again and again, not by 



406 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

way of bravado, not as my friend from Connecti- 
cut seems to think, by way of dictating the bill 
of the Judiciary Committee as the ultimate result 
of human wisdom (fori have never intimated any 
such thing, nor do I know any other member of 
the Committee who has done so), but it is that 
sentiment as well as the sentiment of justice and 
of our duty to the people of the United States 
that have made me speak perhaps somewhat 
warmly on the subject, and to declare as I did 
declare, and now repeat, that rather than see that 
power of Congress, reserved to it over these cor- 
porations, suspended for one day I would see this 
bill defeated and every dollar of the Government 
debt forever lost." 

Senator Thurman mi^ht well rest his fame as a 
lawyer and Senator upon the framing and push- 
ing to passage of this act, which bears his name; it 
secures to the Federal Treasury many millions 
that were imperiled, if not lost. His part in it 
required not only the honesty as a public repre- 
sentative which has always been conceded to his 
character, but a degree of industry, ability, cour- 
age and zeal which are too often lacking in the 
Senate. 




CHAPTER IX. 

A PLEA FOR RELIGIOUS TOLERATION — PERILS OF THE 
REPUBLIC MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES, 

R. THURMAN'S habit, it has before 
been intimated, is to speak rather when 
he has something to say, than because 
he seeks a pretext to say something. Having 
devoted himself closely to his duties as a Senator, 
without diversion therefrom to outside business, 
professional or literary engagements, his utter- 
ances on public questions are to be found chiefly 
in the many volumes of the Congressional Record, 
issued during the period of his public service. 
Occasionally, however, at these and other times, he 
delivered at various places public addresses on 
many subjects, which bear impress of the same 
thoughtfulness and breadth of view that charac- 
terized his speeches on the floor of the Senate. He 
made an address before the literary societies of the 
University of Virginia, at Charlottesville June 26th, 
1872, in which he depicted to the young men 
attending that institution the dangers likely to 
menace the existence of the Republic, and the 
means of averting them. Some of these perils 
he found in the territorial magnitude and enor- 
mously increasing population of the country, the 

407 



408 LIFE OF ALLEN G. TIIURMAN. 

diversity of races and languages, the proneness 
of mankind to war and the love of military glory, 
and the tendency to centralization. The tone of 
the address is by no means pessimistic, however, 
and for the evils which might result from prevail- 
ing perilous tendencies he offered practicable 
relief and saw hopeful remedies. Some striking 
facts were called to public attention in this speech: 
" Only fifty years hence our population will 
probably exceed 160,000,000, or four times the 
present population of France. At the end of a 
century, in 1972, if it increase in the same ratio 
that has hitherto marked its growth, the United 
States will contain more than twice as many peo- 
ple as now inhabit the continent of Europe. If 
it be inadmissible to suppose that this ratio of in- 
crease will continue, it is not irrational to affirm, 
that within the lifetime of a child now born, our 
population will equal that of the five Great Powers 
of Europe combined. Such an aggregation of man- 
kind, for the most part homogeneous, belonging 
to the most intellectual and energetic portion of 
the human race, speaking the same language, all 
more or less educated, occupying one of the fair- 
est and most fruitful portions of the earth in that 
North Temperate Zone that seems to be the 
chosen habitation of civilization and progress, 
united under one government, and that a govern- 
ment of free institutions, will present a phenome- 
non such as never yet has been seen in the world. 



A PLEA FOR RELIGIOUS TOLERATION. 409 

History exhibits nothing like it, nothing that bears 
any close analogy to it. It strikes the imagina- 
tion like the dawn of a millennium, and even the 
most sanguine and hopeful can scarcely regard it 
as more than a dream." 

H: & # ♦ * * & 

" Of the thirty-eight and a-half millions of our 
people in 1870, but five and a-half millions were 
foreign born, and they were scattered throughout 
every State and Territory of the Union. And for 
the most part they are intelligent, industrious, 
thriving, and sincerely attached to free institu- 
tions. With the increase of population, the pro- 
portion of foreign born to native citizens will de- 
crease each year. The various elements of white 
population will become more and more blended, 
until a homogeneous whole will be the result. The 
American of a century hence may differ from the 
American of the past or the present century, but 
yet, whatever his origin, he will be an American. 
What people are more homogeneous than the 
French? And yet, in their vei-ns runs the blood 
of Celt, Roman, Goth, Teuton, to say nothing of 
lesser subdivisions of the human race. What 
more composite in his origin than an English- 
man, to whose blood* the Celt, the Roman, the 
Dane, the Angle, the Saxon, the Norman all con- 
tributed?. Yet, what unification more complete 
than than that of the English people of to-day ? 
We have nothing then to fear, as it seems to me, 



41 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMaN. 

from the diversity of race among our. white popula- 
tion." 

# & :£ & % ♦ ♦ 

" It has been said that orators govern Repub- 
lics, but if the remark were ever true, it is true no 
longer. Had every member of Congress the 
eloquence of Demosthenes, they could not mold 
public sentiment against a press whose daily 
issues exceed 1,300,000, and furnish daily mental 
food to millions of readers. But of these 1,300,000 
daily sheets, about 1,170,000, or nearly eight- 
ninths of the whole number, are published in the 
three cities of New York, Philadelphia, and Bos- 
ton. More than one-half of the whole number 
issue from the press of New York alone. 

" If we turn from the dailies to the weeklies, 
tri- and semi-weeklies, reviews, and magazines we 
find the same striking fact, that these three cities 
are the great centres of publication. There is 
scarcely an art or industry that has not its organ 
in the city of New York. So too of the books 
published in the United States. More than three- 
fourths — probably nearer nine-tenths — issue from 
the press of these three cities. The effect is that 
they have become the great centres from which 
the fact-, the fictions, and the opinions that are 
molding the American mind emanate." 

* * ♦ * * ♦ * 

" The last census shows that in some of the 
States there was within the last decade no increase 



A PLEA FOR RELIGIO US TOLERA T/OJV. 4 1 1 

at all of the rural population, or one too insignif- 
icant to be noticed. The whole increase was in 
the cities and towns. And with the exception of 
some of the new States, the same census shows 
everywhere in the Republic an increase in the 
cities and towns altogether disproportionate to 
that outside of them. What will be the ultimate 
effect of this fact, if prolonged, upon our institu- 
tions, I do not venture to predict. I merely note 
it as a fact very striking in itself, and worthy of 
the profoundest consideration." 

A PLEA FOR RELIGIOUS TOLERATION. 

In the Ohio State campaign of 1875 the Republi- 
cans attempted to create a sectarian issue by charg- 
ing that there was a combination between the Dem- 
ocratic party and the Catholic Church to abolish 
the common-school system, or, at least, divide the 
school fund amono" the various religious denomi- 
nations, or to exempt Catholics from all taxation 
for the support of the schools. As Mr. Thurman 
said in an address at Cleveland, opening the cam- 
paign, " A more unfounded pretense, a more false, 
hollow, and hypocritical assertion, was never ut- 
tered by mortal man. Itwouldbea sufficient answer 
to say that no combination between the Demo- 
cratic party and the Catholic Church exists or has 
ever existed. There never has been a public 
measure adopted or advocated by the Democratic 
party that gave to the Catholic, or any other 



412 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

Church, any preference or advantage over any 
other sect or bodv of men. It has been the boast 
of the party, and a just and proper boast, too, that 
from its very foundation it has defended the rights 
of conscience of every man, opposed every scheme 
for a union of Church and State, and maintained 
the perfect equality of right of every sect and de- 
nomination of mankind. Its great founder, the 
immortal Jefferson, was one of the first of men to 
advocate this equality, and to give to it the sanc- 
tion of law in the Legislature of his native State. 
For his maintenance of this principle he was un- 
sparingly denounced by his enemies, and held up 
to the public gaze as an infidel seeking to destroy 
the very foundations of religion. But the Demo- 
cratic party rallied to his support, and so firmly 
established the principle that it has become apart 
and parcel of our free institutions, as inseparable 
from them as our blood is from our lives, and 
destined to endure as long as they shall exist." 

The issue thus raised gave Senator Thurman 
cause to make a clear deliverance on the subject 
of the relation of the Church and State, and upon 
religious toleration in general. In the speech 
above quoted he also said : 

"There are many people yet who think that a 
Unitarian denies the truths of Scripture, and de- 
serves the frowns and condemnation of all true 
Christians. There are others who regard the 
Quakers as enemies of government, because they 



A PLEA FOR RELIGIOUS TOLERATION. 413 

insist upon the gospel of peace and deny the law- 
fulness of war. There are others who regard the 
Episcopal Church as a sort of adjunct to Rome. 
And so of all the sects, there is not one against 
whom, in the minds of other sectaries, prejudice 
may not be excited ; and if that prejudice is to 
take the form of political warfare, there is no sect 
that will be secure from its baleful influence. 
The Radical managers now assail the Catholics 
knowing them to be in a minority. Were the 
Protestants in a minority, I dare say some of these 
same managers would be found assailing them. 
No, my friends, the only safe ground to stand 
upon is the Democratic principle of equal rights 
and perfect freedom of conscience, embodied in 
our Federal and State Constitutions. The 
Churches are powerful and efficient instrumen- 
talities for good, and whatever may be a man's 
belief, or disbelief, in theological tenets, he cannot 
truthfully deny their conservative power over the 
morals and peace of society. But whenever they 
shall be dragged into the mire of politics, when- 
ever warfare upon a Church shall become a high- 
road to political preferment, you may rest assured 
that a blow at their usefulness will have been dealt 
that will require many years of pain and suffering 
before its evil effects will cease to be felt. 

" To hear a Radical stumper talk of the Catholic 
Church, you would think, if you knew no better, 
that all the members of that Church are under the 



4 I 4 Z//^ OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

absolute dominion of their priests ; that the priest 
has but to point his finger, and his whole flock 
vote for the party to which he points. There 
never was a more unfounded assertion, never a 
greater libel pronounced against a body of Ameri- 
can freemen. In matters of religion the Catholic 
reverently receives the instructions of his spiritual 
guide ; in secular matters he acts, as other men 
act, upon the dictates of his own judgment. There 
are tens of thousands of Catholics who vote, and 
have always voted, the Republican ticket ; and if 
the number of such votes is diminishing, it is not 
because of priestly domination, but because the 
spirit of Know-Nothingism again stalks abroad, 
and threatens to obtain complete possession of 
the Republican party. 

" It is not many years since Archbishop Hughes, 
of New York, and Archbishop Purcell, of Cincin- 
nati, were open supporters of Lincoln's Adminis- 
tration, and were much applauded by the Repub- 
lican leaders for that support. Then not one of 
those leaders was heard to utter a word about 
priestly interference in politics, or priestly domi- 
nation. On the contrary, these venerable prelates 
were lauded to the skies by the Republican party, 
and their example everywhere cited as an induce- 
ment to Catholics to vote the Republican ticket. 
Nay, further, President Lincoln manifested his 
high regard for the Archbishop of New York by 
sending him on a mission to Europe, and the 



A PLEA FOR RELIGIOUS TOLERATION. 415 

whole Republican party applauded the act. But 
did the course taken by these eminent prelates — 
none more eminent or better entitled to the 
regard of their flocks and of mankind — control 
the Catholic vote ? Every man of you is ready to 
say, no, for it is as notorious as that the sun gives 
light to the earth, that the great body of Catholics 
continued to vote as they had been accustomed 
to vote — the Democrats continued to be Demo- 
crats, and the Republicans continued to be Re- 
publicans. 

" It is a little curious to hear Republican speak- 
ers denounce what they call the interference of 
the Catholic priesthood in politics, and then turn 
over a few pages of history and see what the 
Protestant priesthood have done, not only with 
the approbation but encouraged by the loud plau- 
dits of these same Republicans. Have you for- 
gotten the petition to Congress of three thousand 
(I think that was the number) Protestant minis- 
ters, denouncing the policy of a Democratic 
Administration, and with what a flourish of trum- 
pets it was presented and applauded ? 

" Fellow-citizens, you will much misunderstand 
me if you suppose that, in anything I have said, I 
mean to censure, much less condemn, any Prot- 
estant Church or any Protestant priest. On the 
contrary, I stand here to defend the rights of 
every Church, and to maintain that every man, be 
he Christian or Jew, Protestant or Catholic, priest 



41 6 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

or layman, believer or unbeliever, shall enjoy to 
the fullest extent his rights as a citizen ; that he 
shall have the rights guaranteed by our Constitu- 
tions — Federal and State — the right of free 
speech, the right to petition the law-making power, 
the right to vote as he sees fit, the right to hold 
office, and, most sacred of all, the right to wor- 
ship Almighty God according to the dictates of 
his own conscience. I stand here to maintain 
that he shall not be traduced and proscribed 
because he exercises these rights ; that a vindic- 
tive prejudice shall not be excited against him 
because he exercises them ; that he shall be, to 
all intents and purposes, what the Constitution 
makes him, a free man. I stand here to denounce 
the agitators who would practically deprive any 
man of these rights, to denounce the Know-Noth- 
ing spirit that seeks to reduce Catholics and 
foreign-born citizens to the status of a degraded 
class in the community, to denounce the hypocrisy 
that pretends that our schools are in danger, or 
that our legislation is controlled by any priest- 
hood whatever ; and I stand here to appeal to 
you, whatever may be your religious belief or dis- 
belief, whatever are or may have been your polit- 
ical affiliations, whatever may be your calling or 
occupation, whatever may be the land in which 
your eyes first beheld the sun, to set the seal of 
your condemnation upon the most heartless, insin- 
cere, illiberal, anti-American, and dangerous at- 



A PLEA FOR RELIGIOUS TOLERATION. 417 

tack upon freedom of conscience, the rights of 
the citizen, the peace of society, and the welfare 
of your Government ever made in America since 
the Know-Nothing banner, twenty years ago, 
went down in the dust." 



CHAPTER X. 

DELEGATE TO THE INTERNATIONAL MONETARY CON- 
FERENCE ARBITRATOR AND COUNSELOR TELE- 
PHONE SUITS AND TALLY-SHEET FORGERY CASES. 

IN 1879 the Republicans elected a majority of 
the Ohio Legislature and chose James A. 
Garfield United States Senator to succeed 
Mr. Thurman: There is not much doubt that with 
the expiration of his Senatorial term Senator Thur- 
man felt that his official life had ended. Although 
his name had been mentioned for the highestoffice 
in the Republic, fit object of any citizen's aspirations, 
he had never let himself be led off by ambitious 
dreams. He had not been supplanted in the es- 
teem of his countrymen, nor had the affectionate 
regard of his party for him weakened in any de- 
gree; but national politics had come to be so 
largely a contest for a few close States that no- 
body realized more clearly than Mr. Thurman 
that the Democratic nominee for President would 
not likely be chosen from Ohio during the years 
of his availability. On March 4th, 188 1, with the 
inauguration of President Garfield, he retired from 
the Senate, and an incident* related at this time 

* Howard Carroll's Twelve Americans , page J 66. 
418 



INTERNATIONAL MONETARY CONFERENCE. 419 

shows how welcome was the relief from responsi- 
bility and how complacently he viewed what he 
felt to be his final exit from the stao-e : 

On the 3d of March, 1S81, at the close of his 
own term as Senator, Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, 
sitting in his chair in the Senate Chamber, wrote 
a letter to his son expressing his sense of freedom 
at his approaching permanent release from all 
official duties. After finishing the letter he handed 
it to Mr. Thurman, who wrote on a blank page 
of the paper the following : 

" My Dear Mr. Hamlin : — I have not the pleas- 
ure of your acquaintance, but I have known your 
father for over twenty-five years. Like him, I 
can say this is the last day of my political life, and 
I am rejoiced to go out of it in such good com- 
pany and with my personal friend of a generation. 
My sincere wish is that you may do honor to a 
father so illustrious. 

" Truly yours, etc., 

"A. G. Thurman." 

A DELEGATE TO PARIS. 

When Mr. Garfield was elected Senator, he 
indulged in some polite poetic fancies about the 
flowers that hung over the garden walls ol party 
politics in Ohio, in token of the amenities always V 
existing between him and Mr. Thurman ; one \ 
of the first appointments which the new President 



420 



LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 



of 1 88 1 made, was a graceful recognition of his 
Senatorial predecessor and the leader of the 
opposition party in his own State. Together with 
ex-Secretary of State William M. Evarts, and 
ex-Senator Timothy O. Howe, President Garfield 
appointed Allen G. Thurman one of the three 
American delegates to meet the representatives 
of nearly all the European nations at the Interna- 
tional Monetary Conference of 1SS1, which as- 
sembled in Paris on the 19th of April, 1881. 
Conferences of this kind had assembled before, 
the first in 1867, and another in 1878. To the 
last, the American delegates were Reuben E. 
Fenton, William S. Groesbeck, and Francis A. 
Walker, with S. Dana Horton as Secretary. 
Although its proceedings disclosed progress 
toward a general adoption of silver remonetiza- 
tion, it came to no definite result. 

Mr. Thurman, accompanied by his wife, faithful 
companion of all his journeyings, sailed for Europe 
on April 5th, 1881, and reached the Conference 
with his colleagues and Mr. Horton, their 
Secretary — but admitted also as a member, having 
been a delegate to the conference of io7o — in 
time for the opening of the session. .Austria, Hun- 
gary, Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Greece, The 
Netherlands, Portugal, Sweden, Norway, Spain, 
Switzerland and France were represented from the 
outset, and the English delegates soon appeared. 
Thirteen sessions in all were held, during April, 



INTERNA TIONAL MONETAE Y CONFERENCE. 42 I 

May, June, and July; the discussions were inter- 
esting and the exhibits valuable; the proceedings 
were marked by the highest courtesy and profound 
international consideration. The news of Pres- 
ident Garfield's assassination was received during 
the sittings, and the Conference transmitted 
through our delegates warm sentiments of sym- 
pathy. The draft of a Convention was framed by 
which the different Governments were to bind 
themselves till January ist, 1900, to admit gold 
and silver to mintage without any limitation of 
quantity, and at the ratio of 1 to i^% ', hut the 
disinclination of the English and German dele- 
gates prevented definite action. A number of the 
delegates had simply the power to report to their 
Governments, and, though the Convention sepa- 
rated on July 12th, to reassemble in April, 1882, 
there has been no further session. Socially and 
officially, Mr. Thurman was a conspicuous figure 
and general favorite in the Conference. During 
the tenth session he made an address on the 
effect upon commerce of oscillations of the value 
of silver, and upon the desirability of a stable rela- 
tion in the value of the two metals. 

Between the sessions and after the adjourn- 
ment of the conference Mr. and Mrs. Thur- 
man visited Geneva, Berne, Basle, Stras- 
bourg, Heidelberg, Frankfort-on-Main, Mayence, 
Cologne, Brussels, and other German cities ; 
they spent a week at Versailles, another in 



422 



LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 



London, and made the tour of England and 
Scotland, He was an interested spectator and 
student of European affairs, though he returned 
even a better American than before. 

BACK TO BUSINESS. 

Scarcely had he returned to his own country, 
his home and his office, when professional en- 
gagements claimed his attention. In 1882 the 
great trunk line railroad companies, the Pennsyl- 
vania, New York Central, Erie, and Baltimore 
and Ohio became involved in a war of rates ; and 
they agreed on Mr. Thurman, with Thomas M. 
Cooley, the Michigan jurist, and Elihu B. Wash- 
burne, ex-Minister to France, to arbitrate their 
differences about differential rates. 

Many other matters of large concern, besides 
an active interest in national politics, claimed his 
time and en^a^ed his services. In the winter of 
1886-87 the miners in the Hocking Valley de- 
manded higher wages ; the employing operators 
refused to grant the advance, declaring that the 
condition of their business and the profits then 
making would not afford it. Serious troubles 
arose and worse portended. Finally both sides 
agreed on ex-Senator Thurman as sole arbitrator 
to hear the allegations and proofs and to de- 
termine whether the advance should be paid. He 
heard the case fully, decided in favor of the 
miners, the increase demanded was granted, and 



BACK TO BUSINESS. 



423 



nothing has developed to discredit the wisdom of 
his judgment. 

In 1885 the United States Government began 
what came to be known as the Telephone suits, 
to annul the Bell patents on the ground .of prior 
discovery. The immense money interests at stake 
and the. ensuing political recrimination attracted 
wide popular attention to the cases, which was 
intensified when ex-Senator Thurman was re- 
tained to assist the Government. The suits — 
becnin in the Circuit Court of the Southern Dis- 
trict of Ohio, where Mr. Thurman made an elab- 
orate argument against the motion to quash the 
marshal's return — were dismissed on the ground 
of no jurisdiction, on the point that the Bell 
Company was a Massachusetts corporation and 
that service on its subordinate companies in Ohio 
was not sufficient. Mr. Thurman, in the course 
of an elaborate argument, said : 

<k Here is a supposed invention made by Alex- 
ander Graham Bell, and patents obtained for it, 
and those patents sold to a corporation created 
in the State of Massachusetts for the express 
purpose of holding those patents, and of doing 
the business which those patents give the paten- 
tee a right to do, and restrain all other people 
from doing. Here is this corporation thus created 
to hold this great invention, it is said, and ulti- 
mately to do a business that almost appalls the 
understanding when you come to think of it ; a 



424 LIFE 0F A LLEN G. THURMAN. 

business that was well said by my friend here on 
my right exceeds all the transactions and all 
the revenues of some of the nations of the 
earth — a business that ultimates in $70,000,000 
or $80,000,000 of stock and in a revenue 
or more than $10,000,000 a year. Here is 
this corporation to carry on this great business 
and to carry it on with a skill and an intellect 
that I never can think of without being lost in 
admiration. And, I have said again and again, 
and I repeat it now, if Alexander Graham Bell 
had ever manifested one-twentieth part of the in- 
ventive eenius in science that William H. Forbes 
and his associates have exemplified in the build- 
ing up of a mighty commercial monopoly, Bell 
would be the greatest scientist, or have the rep- 
utation of being the greatest scientist, stand- 
ing upon the top of this globe. Why, it is 
marvelous to see what it is. Here is a patent 
that stretches over this whole Republic, from 
ocean to ocean, and from lake to gulf, that grasps 
within its provisions more than 60,000,000 of peo- 
ple now, and it will have more than 100,000,000 
within its embrace, if it shall be maintained, before 
it expires; which has these immense agencies 
throughout the whole country — not a little fellow 
here or there with a pen stuck behind his ear — 
some clerk at a desk — not some fellow with a 
wheelbarrow — not some fellow driving a dray; 
nothing of that kind, but it has a whole series of 



BACK TO BUSINESS. 425 

great corporations at its bid as the agencies or in- 
strumentalities by which it carries on this mighty 
business. Now, sir, you are not to look at the 
mere fact that it owns stock in these corporations 
and then say, ' What is that ? Owning stock in 
a foreign corporation don't make the holder an 
inhabitant of the locality of that foreign corpora- 
tion or make him found there.' When these 
local corporations are the mere agencies, the mere 
instrumentalities of the great mother corporation ; 
when the mother corporation could not do its 
business without them; when they are absolutely 
essential to this extended and errand business 
which it carries on, and when it has them within 
its grasp so completely that there is not one of 
them in which it has not a majority of stock ; in 
which it cannotturn out every functionary on a mo- 
ment's notice; in which it cannot dissolve the 
corporation and surrender its charter if it see fit 
to do it ; in which it cannot dictate every contract 
that it makes, and govern it in every step that it 
takes — when that is the case, what are these 
corporations but its servants ? What are they 
but its instrumentalities? Why, your Honors 
want to do a business, and you want to extend it 
over several States, and you get — I do not care 
whether you get a charter here in Ohio or not, 
but it will be convenient, if nothing more, that for 
the conduct of this business in Kentucky, in Ten- 
nessee, in Illinois, and in Pennsylvania, that you 



426 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

should act by corporations there ; you might not 
be able to do otherwise, and to do your business 
with any sort of success. If you had to employ 
mere human agents, with the imperfect control 
you would have over them, with the liability to 
have your agency destroyed by the death at any 
time of your agent, or by disability, or by dishon- 
esty, or the like, you might be wholly unable to 
carry on your business. This American Bell Tel- 
ephone Company therefore wisely sets up these 
subordinate companies, these licensee companies, 
as it calls them ; these chickens of the same hen ; 
it sets them up and it governs them, and rules 
them, and to be perfectly sure that they shall not 
get from under its domination, not content with 
all the provisions that have been read to your 
Honors from the contracts, it gets a majority of 
the stock, as in this case of the Central Union 
and of some other companies. What is this Cen- 
tral Union Company ? It stretches over three 
States. It embraces Illinois, including the crreat 
city of Chicago ; it embraces Indiana, and it em- 
braces a great portion of the State of Ohio. 
What is the Central Union Company ? Why, 
this Bell Telephone Company in its corporate 
capacity — mark that — not the individuals of the 
American Bell Telephone Company, but the Bell 
Telephone Company, in its corporate capacity, 
owns the majority of the stock of that company 
and can to-morrow, if it see fit, take out every 



BACK TO BUSINESS. 427 

telephone that is in existence from here to Rock 
Island. 

" Now, sir, when it employs such agencies as 
that to do its business, and could not do its busi- 
ness without them, are they not its managing 
agents ? If not, what are they, I would like to 
know ? Are they not its managing agents with 
the powers that are given to them by what are 
called here these licenses and by the power which 
it has over them by the grasp that it has upon 
their throats ? Who can say that it does not do 
"business in Ohio by means of these subordinate 
corporations, and that they are not its managing 
agents ?" 

The point was decided against the Government ; 
new suits were then begun in Massachusetts, and 
upon adjudication of these the Circuit Court de- 
cided against the ri^ht of the Government to 
annul the patents. The Supreme Court, by a 
very close division, affirmed the judgment; the 
motion for a rehearinor before a somewhat changed 
court is set down for September, when Mr. 
Thurman is expected to open the argument for the 
Government. One of Mr. Thurman's colleagues 
in this case speaks in the highest terms of his 
legal acumen, and declares that in his analytical 
power to cut loose from the consideration of an 
issue all irrelevant matter he is unexcelled at the 
American bar. 

His most recent appearance as a lawyer has 



428 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

been as associate counsel for the prosecution in 
the cases in the Criminal Court at Columbus 
against some members of his own party charged 
with forging tally papers and making false and 
fraudulent returns at ageneral election. Regularly 
retained, and making no objection that the de- 
fendants called themselves Democrats, he went 
into the trial of the first case called, and during 
the two months that it lasted conducted it with a 
vigor and skill that showed him to be at the very 
maturity of his powers. The jury disagreed, and 
it is understood to have hung- at eleven for con- 
viction to one for acquittal. 




CHAPTER XL 

SOME PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS— MR. THURMAN 

AT HOxME. 

^HAT veteran correspondent and observer 
of men and things at Washington, the 
late Ben: Perley Poore, in his remin- 
iscences of the Federal capital, thus refers to 
Senator Allen G. Thurman and some of his 
striking personal characteristics as they appeared 
to the oralleries . 

" Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, was recognized 
by the Democrats in the Senate as their leader. 
He was a broad-shouldered, sturdily built man, 
with a large, square head and ruddy complexion, 
gray hair and beard, and a positive manner that 
commanded respect. Earnest, outspoken, and 
free in his criticisms of men and manners, he 
would wave his red bandana pocket handkerchief 
like a guidon, give his nose a trumpet-blast, take 
a fresh pinch of snuff, and dash into the debate, 
dealing rough blows, and scattering the carefully 
prepared arguments of his adversaries like chaff." 

Mr. Thurman's bandana handkerchief and his 

snuff-box have been made so prominent in all the 

personal accounts of him which have appeared in 

the prints, especially since his nomination for Vice- 

429 



430 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

President, that the public attach more importance 
to them as points of his marked personality than 
the facts warrant. Like the appellation, " Old 
Roman," Senator Thurman ascribes the frequency 
of notice given his handkerchief and his snuff- 
box to the active newspaper correspondents of 
the capital, who, always his friends, are alert to 
seize upon the picturesque features of a public 
man's habit, and often to exaggerate if not to in- 
vent idiosyncrasies. Mr. Thurman acquired the 
habit of taking snuff, not infrequent fifty years 
ago, from his old French teacher, Professor 
Gregoire ; and when he first went to Washington 
he found it to be a prevailing practice there. He 
does not, however, use snuff to any excess, and 
his moderate-sized box, supplied with the finest 
quality, will easily last him a fortnight without re- 
filling. He naturally took to the use of the ban- 
dana handkerchief in vogue in his younger days, 
and has simply never abandoned an article of 
dress that has popularly been supplanted by more 
modern forms. Neither of these nor any other 
feature of his personal attire or habit is an affec- 
tation, and no man is less self-conscious than he 
in these matters of minor concern. 

In early manhood Mr. Thurman eschewed to- 
bacco and all manner of stimulants ; until he was 
twenty-nine years of age he had never smoked a 
cigar. Frequent out-door speaking had induced 
bronchitis, and intense application to study and work 



SOME PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS. 4.3 1 

had worn him down physically. It was then upon 
the reiterated advice of one trusted physician after 
another that he adopted a more generous mode 
of life ; he acquired a taste for a good cigar, which 
has never failed him, an appreciation of a glass 
of old Madeira which he has never abused nor 
forsaken. His trip to Washington and the South, 
and moderate changes toward a diet upon which 
exhaustive work could make stronger drafts, im- 
proved his health and prolonged his years and 
usefulness. 

MR. THURMAN AT HOME. 

For the first nine years of his practice Mr. 
Thurman devoted his attention and his earnings 
largely to the aid of his father's family. He was 
married soon after his first election to Congress, 
and to this happy union have been owing in large 
degree the success which has attended his public 
and professional career and the peace and joy 
that have brightened his domestic life. Mrs. 
Mary A. Tompkins, daughter of Judge Walter 
Dun, of Kentucky, later of Ohio, was a widow 
with one daughter, now deceased, when, on No- 
vember 14th, 1844, she became the wife of Allen 
G. Thurman. With congenial tastes in literature, 
politics, and social affairs, their life together has 
been one of unbroken harmony and mutual help- 
fulness. After the late nomination at St. Louis, 
Governor Foraker, in his partisan zeal to belittle 



43 2 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THUkMAN. 

not only his distinguished townsman, but Mr. 
Thurman's beloved wife, denounced the one as a 
"copperhead" during the war, and the other as a 
" rebel sympathizer," because when the captured 
Confederates were imprisoned near Columbus 
Mrs. Thurman's goodness of heart prompted her 
to give motherly attention to some of the sick in 
their confinement. The good couple noticed the 
attempted insult with the utmost complacency, 
and Mr. Thurman quietly remarked that he did 
recall how Governors Dennison and Todd — both 
Republicans, "used to praise Mary for her kindness 
in carrying delicacies to the sick and forlorn in 
the prison camp." The stinging rebuke was pro- 
bably appreciated by every citizen of Columbus 
except the occupant of the Gubernatorial chair. 

Mr. Thurman never removed his residence 
from Columbus after he went to the capital city 
as Judge of the Supreme Court. For a long time 
his home adjoined his office on South High Street, 
in the central and more crowded portions of the 
city ; but a few years ago he removed to the new 
double stone front and brick house erected for his 
own and his son Allen W.'s family, at the corner 
of Rich Street and Washington Avenue. His res- 
idence is a commodious, comfortable, and unpre- 
tentious mansion, where he and his wife live in 
Democratic simplicity, at peace with themselves, 
their neighbors, and all mankind. No liveried 
flunkies attend their door, no crests are emblaz- 



SOME PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS. 433 

oned on the panels of their carriage ; indeed, they 
keep no horses, and they entertain with genuine 
hospitality rather than lavish expenditure. The 
ex-Senator's library is a comfortable, well-lighted 
room on the second floor, in which are arranged, 
in a sort of orderly confusion that suits him, a 
miscellaneous collection of books, by no means 
extensive, nor restricted to any special subject. 
Although he has had large correspondence, he 
has retained few letters received ; he has no col- 
lection whatever of his many speeches in Congress 
and miscellaneous addresses, and neither he nor 
any one for him has made the ordinary " scrap- 
book," or any gathering of the thousands of col- 
umns of newspaper matter that have recorded his 
movements and sayings, and have commented 
upon the " old Roman " and his characteristics. 

Mr. Thurman reads French as fluently and as 
understandingly as the language of his mother 
tongue ; he does not pretend, chiefly from disuse, 
to speak the foreign language as readily as his 
own, but he continues with renewed pleasure his 
long time recreation in Racine, Moliere, and the 
French novelists, and when the news of the St. 
Louis nomination reached him he had just com- 
pleted thirty volumes of the Histoire des Francais 
par Simonde de Sismonde. He delights in local 
history and was the first President of the Ohio 
State Archaeological and Historical Society. 

Adjoining his house on the east, and down 
28 






434 



LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 



under the window where the morning light never 
greets him — for it is his present habit to stay with 
his books until after midnight, and to breakfast at 
noon — stretches a beautiful lawn. Cherry trees 
stand along its borders ; tennis courts are marked 
out in the centre of it, and several huge Ohio 
boulders help to give it a striking aspect. Here 
the amiable statesman loves to gather about him 
at the close of the day a score or more of the 
little folk of the neighborhood, playfellows of his 
own Grandchildren ; he is never averse to those 
who come in ragged or even soiled garments, but 
he insists that every one of them whom he toler- 
ates shall have a " clean tongue " in his or her 
head. 

His only son, Allen W., his wife, and four chil- 
dren live in the double house which comprises the 
Thurman homestead. His daughters, one the 
wife of ex- Governor R. C. McCormick, and the 
other the wife of a lieutenant in the United States 
Navy, live on Staten Island, where their father 
makes frequent journeys to indulge his parental 
fondness. 

Mr. Thurman is in no wise enfeebled in body 
nor in impaired physical health. For twenty years 
he has suffered more or less from rheumatic affec- 
tion, impeding the free exercise of his legs, At 
times this is increased by long disuse and close 
retirement day after day in his library. But with 
exercise the stiffness passes away, and it was 



SOME PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS. 435 

noticed during the late trials of the tally-sheet for- 
gery cases that each day he walked to his work with 
lighter step and mounted the stairs with easier 
exertion. His brain has never been clearer nor 
his mind more active, as his public deliverances 
since his nomination plainly show. 

Years ao-o Mr. Thurman invested in a larofe 
tract of land, two hundred acres in all, near 
Columbus. He himself surveyed and laid it out in 
town lots and he has profited by its natural in- 
crease in value. This foresight and like enter- 
prises, with a steady application to business, thrift, 
and good management, have secured for him a 
handsome competency, and he dispenses charity 
with unorudoqnor hand. 

Mr. Thurman is liberally orthodox in his re- 
ligious belief, and the family attend the Episcopal 
Church. In common with most men of general 
culture and of a wide ranofe of reading in the 
classics, ancient and modern, he is a student of 
the truths and beauties of the Holy Scriptures. 
A few days after his nomination for Vice-President 
he addressed, at the request of Bishop Watterson, 
the picnic of St. Vincent's orphans, near Colum- 
bus ; taking for his text " and the greatest of 
these is charity," he made an address that would 
have fallen fitly from the lips of a clergyman in 
the sanctuary, his exposition of the Sermon on 
the Mount being marvelously eloquent and 
beautiful. 



436 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

In society Mr. Thurman neither seeks nor shuns 
attention. His large experience, unfailing good 
humor, rich fund of anecdote, direct and forcible 
narration, make him much sought for in company. 
He is a representative American ; he has traveled 
widely and observed closely ; he has nursed hay 
fever at the Isle of Shoals and caught fish in Bear 
Lake, Minnesota ; he is at home in the galleries of 
Versailles or the cottage of the frontiersman ; 
he is loved by his neighbors and trusted by those 
who know him best. One of the leading Repub- 
licans of Columbus, upon leaving for Europe re- 
cently, said: "I have handed Judge Thurman a 
blank power of attorney and said : ' If I should 
meet with any accident I want you to have the 
settling up of my estate.' There is no other man 
living, Democrat or Republican, whom I would 
trust to that extent, but I know that in Judge 
Thurman's hands my property would be perfectly 
safe. I am a Republican, and expect to vote 
against Judge Thurman, but no human being can 
successfully assail his honor or his integrity." 

RELATIONS WITH SENATORIAL COLLEAGUES. 

Mr. Thurman's frankness and freedom from 
every sort of affectation permitted to his personal 
characteristics free play in the Senate, and estab- 
lished and kept for him the most agreeable rela- 
tions with his colleagues in that body. He has 
said, " I have always kept a civil tongue in my 



SOME PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS. 437 

head, and recognized the right of everybody to 
think for himself." He stated the case fairly. The 
speeches of no conspicuous man in Congress, 
who had so long filled such large space in the public 
eye, will be found so frequently broken into by 
the interruptions and queries of his colleagues. 
Equally notable are the good temper with which 
these were invariably received, the encyclopaedic 
knowledge and acute readiness with which they 
were answered. 

For instance, upon one occasion, after many in- 
terruptions, Mr. Thurman was asked through the 
Chair if he would allow himself to be interrogated 
by the Senator from Vermont, Mr. Edmunds. His 
quick answer was: " He looks so inviting that I 
cannot help it." 

Upon another, and like occasion, he said : "I am 
tired. Senators do me too much honor. They 
seem to think I am able to explain everything, and 
I confess I am not." 

Again, concluding a long address, in which he 
had been helped and hindered by the frequent aid 
of friends and foes, he said : "I have occupied far 
more time than I expected, and far more than I 
should have done but for these pleasant little 
questions and interruptions that have taken place, 
and which so enliven a dull speech, that I am 
always happy to be interrupted in order that I 
may not wear out the patience of the Senate." 

Mr. Conkling was one day making a speech, 



4^8 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

during which he repeatedly turned to Judge 
Thurman and addressed remarks to him. They 
were not always free from irritating purpose, and 
Judtre Thurman, with unwonted fierceness, finally 

said : 

" Does the Senator from New York expect me 
to answer him every time he turns to me?" 

For a moment Mr. Conkling hesitated. Then, 
with an air of exquisite courtesy, he replied : 

" When I speak of the law I turn to the Senator 
from Ohio as the Mussulman turns toward Mecca. 
I turn to him as I do to the English common law, 
as the world's most copious fountain of human 
jurisprudence." 




CHAPTER XII. 

THE CALL FROM POLITICAL RETIREMENT NOMINA- 
TION FOR THE VICE-PRESIDENCY. 

ENATOR THURMAN was undoubtedly 
sincere in his purpose to retire from official 
life with the end of his Senatorial term. He 
believed that no summons of his party to future 
candidacy for office worthy of his regard would 
reach him. In response to a serenade from the 
Thurman Club, of Cincinnati, last year, he made 
this touching address : 

« My Young Friends : When I was a boy at 
school many years ago, one of the text-books I 
studied was a Latin one, Cicero on Old Age, and 
I remember well when I read that beautiful treat- 
ise, in which the author sets forth in the most 
beautiful and impressive manner that consumma- 
tion in old acre which would in some decree be a 
compensation for the trials of youth, I wondered 
if that lot would ever be mine. Now, when I 
look down upon your heads and see your bright 
faces and know who you are and what you are, I 
feel something of regret that the old author never 
had a Ciceronian Club to honor and console him 
in his old age, as you have mine. I thank you, 
first, for the honor you have done an old man in 

439 



440 



LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 



taking his name for your Club ; and, second, for 
die kindness you have manifested toward me by 
your attendance to-night and your beautiful 
serenade. My friends, no one can say you are 
worshiping a rising sun. No, it is a setting sun, 
low down in the horizon, and fast disappearing 
forever. I shall never hold another office, nor 
shall I ever be a candidate for office, hence it will 
not be in my power to reward my friends or to 
punish my foes. You come without hope or fear 
in that respect, merely to honor an old fellow, 
who from boyhood has been a Democrat, and who 
until his dying day will be a Democrat, and who 
is pleased not to be forgotten while he still lives. 
It is my pride and boast that I have always been 
a strong and steadfast adherent of the principles 
of Democracy, and when my dying day comes, as 
soon it must, and my eyes are turned to behold 
the sun in the heavens for the last time, it will be 
the eyes of a Democrat that will look upon that 
orb. And when I am under the sod, and some 
one stumbles over my grave, there will he find 
the epitaph, ' Here lies a man who was an honest 
Democrat his whole life long.' " 

IN NATIONAL CONVENTIONS. 

He had won and worn the highest honors of his 
party in the field of its most eminent legislative 
service, as President pro tern, of the United States 
Senate. In 18S0, when the National Convention 



THE CALL FROM POLITICAL RETIREMENT. 44 1 

of the Democracy met in Cincinnati, he had the 
support of the delegation from his own and other 
States for President. He was sent to the Chicago 
Convention, of 1884 as a delegate at large. He 
went with no thought of his own nomination, but 
every time he made his appearance on the floor 
was received with such demonstrations of en- 
thusiasm and good-will that it became impossible 
to fairly count him out of the list of possible 
nominees. Mr. Thurman, recognizing as in- 
evitable that his name would be placed before die 
Convention, withdrew as a delegate. When Cali- 
fornia was called John W. Breckinridge, a son of 
the Vice-President, 1857-61, on behalf of that 
State, nominated Thurman for President ; General 
Durbin Ward seconded the nomination for Ohio, 
though the Hoadley- McLean influence in the dele- 
gation was hostile to him; and W. Bourke 
Cockran, of New York, zealous to direct the 
Cleveland opposition to the most effective place, 
wound up a long speech with the suggestion of 
Mr. Thurman's name. Nextday General Mansur, 
of Missouri, spoke in his behalf and declared that 
one thousand telegrams had been received by the 
Ohio delegates encouraging Thurman's nomina- 
tion. Upon the first ballot he received SS votes: 
Alabama, i ; California, 16; Colorado, 1 ; Illinois, 
1 ; Iowa, 1 ; Kansas, 2 ; Louisiana, 1 ; Massachu- 
setts, 2 ; Michigan, 1 1 ; Mississippi, 1 ; Missouri, 
3; Nebraska, 1 ; Nevada, 6 ; Ohio, 23 ; Tennessee, 



442 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

9 ; Texas, 4 ; Virginia, 1 ; West Virginia, 2 ; Wis- 
consin, 2. On the second ballot next clay and 
after the attempt to stampede the Convention 
to Hendricks 60 votes were cast for Thurman. 
The changes then made soon increased Mr. Cleve- 
land's 475 to the required two-thirds. In the en- 
suing campaign Mr. Cleveland had no more 
effective supporter than the ex-Senator from 
Ohio." 

AT ST. LOUIS. 

The first mention of Mr. Thurman's name for 
association with the ticket of 1888, to be head 
of which Mr. Cleveland's renomination was early 
apparent, came from California in May. The 
idea met with quick response in the East, the 
only doubts expressed having reference to the 
condition of his health and his possible willing- 
ness to accept. The movement for his nomina- 
tion, which had steady growth, met with no en- 
couragement from Mr. Thurman. Ao-ain and 
aeain he declared that he had no such idea nor 
expectation ; with each disclaimer the demand 
from the party became more vociferous, and a 
week before the Convention met the feeling for 
such a nomination as his was so intense as to 
leave no doubt that it would be effected. The 
faintest intimation that if a practically unanimous 
call was made upon him he would respect it was 
enough to confirm the delegates in their purpose, 



THE CALL FROM POLITICAL RETIREMENT '443 

and when the delegation from his own State of 
Ohio proclaimed him as the choice of its Democ- 
racy the other States fell in with the movement 
and its success was assured. 

Elsewhere in this volume* is told the story of 
the Convention and of the scenes which attended 
both nominations. Throughout the entire sessions 
the fluttering of thousands of bandanas o-ave color 
to the scene and zest to the proceedings, and 
when the invincible name of Thurman was coupled 
with that of the victorious Cleveland the Democ- 
racy of the country had a thrill of confidence that 
gave a mighty impetus to the campaign. 

A VIGOROUS OLD MAN. 

The first trumpet notes from Columbus assured 
the waiting millions that the old Senator's eye was 
not dimmed nor his natural force abated. He heard 
the news of his nomination with composure ; he 
received the congratulations of his neighbors in 
person and of his friends by telegraph with his 
usual undisturbed good humor ; and when the 
Randall Club, of Philadelphia, bound homeward 
from the Convention, stopped at Columbus and 
serenaded him he made a most vigorous speech 
to the great concourse that assembled in and 
about the grounds of his residence. All felt that 

*See " Record of the Convention." 



444 



LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAFt. 



he spoke sincerely, and all rejoiced that he spoke 
so bravely when he said : 

" My friends, I should be the most insensible 
and cold-blooded man in the world if I did not feel 
grateful for the kindness that you have manifested 
toward me to-night — yes, and I may say that you 
have manifested toward me before to-night ; and 
yet I do not know about that quite. I was living 
in my own quiet home with my good old wife and 
my children and grandchildren and friends around 
me, wishing for nothing in this world but peace 
and quiet, when you and others like you force me 
once more into the political arena. Whether that 
was kind or not, time will tell ; whether it was 
well advised or not, time will disclose. But one 
thing I need not wait for time to disclose, and that 
is that I owe you the deepest and profounclest grat- 
itude from the very bottom of my heart. * * * 
You will not expect me to make a political speech 
to-night. When the two parties shall have been 
fully marshaled in the field, when the issues, as 
the lawyers call them, shall have been distinctly 
declared, when all the candidates have their har- 
ness on and are ready for the tilt, then it will be 
for me to bear my humble part in the fray. Then 
I give you my word that I shall be heard from a^ 
cording to my feeble abilities. I think there is 
life enough in me yet. I think that there is still 
in this old head some remnant of brains to enable 
me to tell the people why it is that all my life long 



THE CALL FROM P0LLT1CAL RETIREMENT. 445 

I have been a Democrat and mean to die one, and 
I think I shall be able to give them one reason 
why they should be Democrats from now until 
they are laid in their grave. 

" My friends, it is not my purpose to say harsh 
things of our political opponents. That never 
has been my style of speaking. Even when I 
was a very young man — I might say not a man 
at all, for the first stump speech I ever made I 
was nothing but a boy — even then I always 
endeavored to keep a civil tongue in my head. 
1 always recognized the right of every man to 
his own thinking, and if he would only think 
honestly and be as tolerant of me as I was to 
him there would be no harsh words fall from my 
lips in respect to him, and so in the contests that 
happened in our own party it never has been my 
habit to quarrel with those who did not think 
just as I thought. I have been before your Con- 
vention at St. Louis without my will — against 
my will — as a candidate for a great office. I was 
warmly, nobly, generously supported in that Con- 
vention. I was also warmly and earnestly opposed. 
Toward' those who opposed me I have nothing in 
the world but feelings of kindness. It was their 
right if they thought some other man was 
better — a better man to be nominated. If they 
thought it more politic or advisable, however 
well they might think of me, to nominate some- 
body else, it was their right to think so. They 



446 LIFE OF ALLEN G. TIIURMAN. 

were sent there to exercise their judgment, and 
God knows they have created not a single ruffle 
in my bosom nor the least symptom of ill-will 
toward them. No, my friends, I am here to advo- 
cate the right of every free American citizen to 
think for himself. I believe in it, and always have 
believed in it, as the very essence of Democracy 
and of free government. 

"I tell you, my friends, that the St. Louis Conven- 
tion did one thing that of itself should immortal- 
ize it ; it did one tiling which of itself should 
command the esteem and respect and gratitude 
of the American people ; it did one thing which 
set a magnificent example for all time to the 
American people, and, indeed, to all other people 
who have anything to do in the choice of their 
rulers, and that thing was to renominate Grover 
Cleveland by the unanimous voice of the Conven- 
tion." 

NOT TOO OLD FOR ACTION. 

Telegrams poured in upon him from every 
quarter, visiting clubs gathered to serenade and 
greet him. To the Newark, O., Club, which came 
over several hundred strong, he made a speech 
of thanks in his own behalf, and extolled Cleve- 
land as a brave, honest, and able President. The 
newspaper correspondents, returning from the 
Convention, stopped off to do him honor in a 



THE CALL FROM POLITLCAL RETIREMENT. 447 

body, and he made felicitous reply to their com- 
pliments and congratulations. The Ohio Dele- 
gation, flying his colors, came to Columbus and 

mingled their cheers with those of his visitors from 
<_> 

other States. The Democratic press throughout 
the country greeted his nomination with the 
warmest approval, and even the Independent Re- 
publican journals, which are supposed to support 
Mr. Cleveland exclusive of any sympathy with 
his party, had only words of praise for Thurman 
and commendation for the political strategy which 
compassed his nomination. Harper s Weekly 
said : 

" Mr. Thurman is universally respected as an 
upright and able man, and there is no Democrat 
in the country who enjoys higher regard among 
his political opponents. The sturdy honesty of 
the two Democratic candidates, and the freedom 
of the ticket from all taint of boodle, will compel 
the Republicans to take care that no suggestive 
contrast shall be offered by their ticket." 

The New York Sun, regarded by the Democ- 
racy with suspicion for years past, began to give 
support to the ticket from the time it was com- 
pleted with Thurman's name. 

The single qualification in all the acclaim which 
has greeted his name is in the expression of some 
doubt or fear, here and there, that the advanced 
age of Mr. Thurman may interfere in some degree 
with the discharge of his official duties. It has 



448 LIFE OF ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

been said with sufficient clearness and emphasis 
that at no time in the past decade did he show 
more vigorous powers than now ; and they who 
think that lapse of time and measurement of 
years alone bring decrepitude and unfitness for 
official duty need only be reminded that Allen G. 
Thurman is younger than was Kaiser Wilhelm 
when he grasped the sword of Europe by the hilt 
and effected the consolidation of the German 
Empire; younger than Gortschakoff when he 
dominated the Imperial Government of Russia ; 
of the acre of Disraeli when he turned the sov- 
ereigns of Europe to his own purposes, went 
home to England with the cry of " Peace with 
honor," and made Victoria Empress of the Indias; 
younger than Thiers when he was chosen first 
President of the French Republic, the most mag- 
nificent event of Continental politics in the nine- 
teenth century; younger thaii John Marshall when, 
full of years and of honors, he renewed, at nearly 
four score, the intellectual strength and vigor 
which made so much for the enlightened con- 
struction of our Federal Constitution, a covenant 
that, in these latter days, has had no abler advocate 
and no more patriotic defender than Allen G. 
Thurman. 



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RECORD 

OF THE 

Democratic National Convention, 

ST. LOUIS, MO., 
JUNE) 5th, 6th, and 7th, 188S. 



CHAPTER I. 

ARRANGING FOR THE CONVENTION. 

WHEN the National Democratic Con- 
vention met in Washington, in 1888, 
as usual in Presidential years, on 
February 2 2d, it began the work of the cam- 
paign under auspices more favorable than had 
appeared under an Administration of its party for 
fifty-six years. The course of President Cleveland 
had been such as not only to command party 
favor, but the admiration and enthusiastic support 
of conservative men of every party. No other 
name was mentioned or thought of for the nom- 
ination as a candidate for President in any State 
or section of the Union. Never before in the 
history of National Conventions, except in 1832, 
when Andrew Jackson was the unanimous choice 
of the Democratic party for renomination, and in 
1872, when Ulysses S. Grant was chosen as the 
unanimous nominee of the Republican party, had 
there been an instance wherein no other candi- 
date was thought of or mentioned ; and in the 
case of Grant's renomination the assurance of it 
drove many of the ablest Republican leaders and 
newspapers into open revolt, and created dissen- 
sions which were never healed. 

453 



454 DEMOCRA TIC NA TIONAL CONVENTION. 

When the Committee met the only contest to 
settle was the meeting place of the Convention. 
New York, Chicago, St. Louis, Cincinnati, and 
San Francisco were competitors for this honor, 
all except the first named being represented by 
large and enthusiastic delegations of citizens and 
politicians. When it was decided for the second 
time in the history of the party to hold the Con- 
vention in St. Louis there was general acquies- 
cence in the result. Some little contest was also 
developed over the time for holding the Conven- 
tion, but the 5th of June was finally selected with- 
out difficulty, and with quite universal satisfaction. 
It was thought that as the party was now dominant 
in Federal politics, it should boldly take the lead in 
naming its candidates and laying down its princi- 
ples. 

When the time for the meeting of the Conven- 
tion arrived, the Democratic Conventions of every 
State in the Union had not only unanimously 
demanded the renomination of President Cleve- 
land, but had indorsed his position on the tariff as 
logical, safe, and Democratic. The work of the 
Convention when it met at St. Louis was there- 
fore mapped out for it. But this did not have any 
serious effect in reducing the enthusiasm or the 
attendance upon the Convention. All the dele- 
gates and alternates appointed from every State, 
accompanied by thousands of friends, made their 
way to St. Louis. The weather was pleasant for 



ARRANGING FOR THE CONVENTION. 455 

the season, the welcome hospitable and agreeable, 
the feeling of harmony all-pervading, and the 
determination to deserve to win as strong as the 
confidence which the party felt in its success. 

The National Committee met the day before 
the time fixed for the meeting of the Convention 
and designated the following as its temporary 
officers : 

Chairman, Stephen M. White, of California ; 
Secretary, Frederick O. Prince, of Massachusetts; 
Assistant Secretaries, Alfred Orendorf, of Illinois; 
W. L. Stott, of Virginia ; T. E. Barrett, of St. 
Louis; Leopold Strauss, of Alabama; O. M. Hall, 
of Minnesota ; John Triplett, of Georgia; L. E. 
Rowley, of Michigan ; Oliver Newell, of-Color- 
ado ; T. J. Tingle, of Missouri ; T. L. Merrill, of 
Nebraska. Reading Secretary, Thomas Pettit, 
House of Representatives. Official Stenogra- 
pher, Edward B. Dickinson, of New York. Ser- 
geant-at-arms, Richard J. Bright, of Indiana. 




CHAPTER II. 

THE FIRST DAY'S PROCEEDINGS. 

"^HE Convention was called to order at 12 
o'clock on Tuesday, June 5th, by William 
H. Barnum, of Connecticut, Chairman of 
the National Committee, and was opened with 
prayer by Bishop Granberry, of the Methodist 
Episcopal Church, South. The Temporary Chair- 
man, Stephen M. White, Lieutenant-Governor of 
California, made the first extended address of the 
Convention. In the course of his speech, upon 
taking the Chair, he said : 

" The present Administration has realized its 
promises made by the Democratic Convention 
of 1884. It has sought to reduce and lighten the 
burdens of the people and to reduce the revenue 
so as to prevent undue accumulation in the 
Treasury, and has at the same time taken the 
requisite steps to foster and protect domestic in- 
dustries. It has discouraged the centralization of 
wealth, and has enabled, as far as the circum- 
stances would permit, those in the less favored 
walks of life to enjoy the benefits of their exer- 
tions. In other words, the Democratic Adminis- 
tration has used its utmost endeavors to faithfully 

45^ 



THE FIRST DA Y'S PROCEEDINGS. 45 ? 

carry out the platform upon which our great re- 
form victory was achieved. If the tariff has not 
been modified, it is because of Republican ob- 
struction. 

" The existence of an enormous surplus in the 
Treasury threatens the industries of the country, 
is a constant source of injury to the consumer 
and the man of moderate means, who finds it diffi- 
cult to procure monetary assistance because of 
the withdrawal of a large portion of the circulat- 
ing medium. This unfortunate situation is di- 
rectly attributable to the policy of the Republican 
party, whose aim has ever been to encourage and 
enrich the monopolies and ignore the interests of 
the masses. 

''During the Republican dominancy many mil- 
lions of acres of the public domain passed into the 
hands of corporate and foreign syndicates. The 
obligations imposed as conditions precedent to 
investiture of title were persistently violated by 
the beneficiaries, and these violations passed un- 
heeded until a Democratic Administration, in 
conformity with the doctrines of the party, declared 
the forfeiture, thus tendering to those seeking 
homes in good faith more than 40,000,000 acres, 
which had been withheld by the Republican party 
for the benefit of the selfish few. In accordance 
with the views of the President, a statute has been 
enacted preventing the acquisition of lands by 
those not citizens of the United States, and re- 



45S 



DEMOCRA TIC NA TIONAL CONVENTION. 



stricting the power of corporations to obtain titles 
to realty in the Territories. If preceding Repub- 
lican Administrations had adopted the present 
Democratic policy, there would have been pre- 
served as homes for settlers locating in aood faith 

<z> o 

an immense amount of fertile soil now in the 
hands of corporations and foreign speculators. 

" For years universal attention has been directed 
to the dangers of Chinese immigration. The ad- 
vent of hordes of pagan slaves, disciplined to 
starvation and inured to unremunerative wages, 
has rightly been considered destructive to the in- 
terests of laborers and a menace to the Republic. 
The Democracy, unlike its political adversaries, 
has always been with all the people upon this issue. 
The Administration has entered into a treaty with 
the Chinese which must result in excluding the 
Mongolian from our shores, and for the first time 
makes it possible to prevent the perpetration of 
the frauds upon our immigration laws now prac- 
ticed by that race, and to preserve us from the 
evils of competition. Thus, after repeated Re- 
publican failures, we have reached a successful 
settlement of a question which justly agitated a 
vast number of our citizens and with which Re- 
publican leaders have proved themselves incom- 
petent to deal. 

" The re-election of Grover Cleveland is de- 
manded by the patriotic sentiment of the land. 
The Republican party is struggling for life. It 



THE FIRS T DAY'S PRO CEEDINGS. 4 5 Cj 

cannot long survive. Its extended incumbency 
was due to the fears and doubts succeeding the 
civil conflict. These forebodings have been re- 
moved by time and thought ; and honest opinion, 
in spite of illegal force openly used, notwithstand- 
ing criminal efforts ' defeating the public will as 
expressed at the ballot-box, has driven unworthy 
servants from office, and has summoned to power 
an Administration to which no stain or suspicion 
has ever attached. * * * The honest intel- 
ligent electors, whose judgment is untainted by 
prejudice, are prepared to again intrust this Gov- 
ernment to the Democratic party. That that or- 
ganization has accomplished so much, notwith- 
standing the continued opposition of its foes, is 
ample evidence that during the next four years its 
policy will be finally and completely adopted. 
The comine contest will result in the triumph of 
Democracy. The nominees of this Convention 
will be the chosen of the people, and if we do 
our duty the Republican party will be unable to 
retard the progress of our country." 

After the appointment of Committees on Res- 
olutions, Credentials, and Permanent Organiza- 
tion, of one delegate from each State, the election 
of a Vice-Chairman and Secretary from each State, 
and the choice of a member of the National Com- 
mittee by each delegation, the Convention ad- 
journed until 10 o'clock Wednesday morning. 



CHAPTER III. 

THE SECOND DAY'S PROCEEDINGS. 

N the meantime the Committees organized 
without contest, except that on Resolutions, 
of which Henry Watterson, of Kentucky, 
was elected Chairman over Arthur P. Gorman, of 
Maryland, by a vote of twenty-two to twenty. 

The second day's session of the Convention 
was opened with prayer by Rev. Dr. J. P. Green, 
of Missouri, after which Lewis C. Cassidy, of 
Pennsylvania, Chairman of the Committee on Per- 
manent Organization, reported the name of Pat- 
rick A. Collins, Representative in Congress from 
Massachusetts, as President of the Convention. 
Mr. Collins was escorted to the chair by William 
H. Barnum, of Connecticut; Roswell P. Flower, 
of New York, and John O. Day, of Missouri, and 
made the following address, which was frequently 
interrupted by applause: 

CHAIRMAN COLLINS'S SPEECH. 

" To stand by your favor in this place, so often 
filled by the foremost men in our great party, is 
a distinction of the highest character and an honor 
for which I am profoundly grateful. In perform- 
ing the delicate and difficult service to which you 
460 



THE SECOND DAY'S PROCEEDINGS. ^5] 

have assigned me, I can scarcely hope to justify 
the wisdom of your choice. I shall at all times 
need a continuance of your indulgence and cour- 
tesy, as well as your full co-operation to promote 
order, decorum, and good-will until these pro- 
ceedings are brought to a happy close. 

" We represent in this Convention more than 
30,000,000 of the American people ; we bear the 
commission to act for them and their injunction 
to act with all the wisdom that God has given us, 
to protect and safeguard the institutions of the 
Republic as the fathers founded them. 

" In a time when the world was kincr-ridden and 
pauperized by the privileged few, when men 
scarcely dared to breathe the word ' Liberty,' even 
if they understood its meaning, the people scat- 
tered along our eastern coast, with a sublime 
heroism never equaled, broke from all traditions, 
rejected all known systems, and established, to 
the amazement of the world, the political wonder 
of the ages, the American Republic, the child of 
revolution nursed by philosophy. The hand that 
framed the immortal Declaration of Independence 
is the hand that guided the emancipated country 
to progress and glory. It is the hand that guides 
as still in our onward march as a free and pro- 
gressive people, The principles upon which our 
Government can securely rest, upon which the 
peace, prosperity, and liberties of the people de- 
pend, are the principles of the founder of our 



,^2 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION. 

party, the apostle of Democracy, Thomas Jeffer- 
son. 

" Our young men under thirty have heard more 
in their time of the clash of arms and the echoes 
of war than of the principles of government. It 
has been a period of passion, force, impulse, and 
emotional politics. So that we need not wonder 
that now and then we hear the question asked 
and scarcely answered, ' What difference is there 
between the two parties ?' Every Democrat 
knows the difference. The Democratic creed was 
not penned by Jefferson for a section or a class 
of the people, but for all time. 

"These principles conserved and expanded the 
Republic in all its better days. A strict adher- 
ence to them will preserve it to the end, so the 
Democracy of to-day, as in the past, believe with 
Jefferson in (i) equal and exact justice to all men 
of whatever state or persuasion, religious or polit- 
ical ; (2) peace, commerce, and honest friend- 
ship with all nations, entangling alliances with 
none ; (3) support of the State Governments in 
all their rights as the most competent administra- 
tors of our domestic concerns, and the surest bul- 
warks against anti-republican tendencies ; (4) 
the preservation of the General Government in its 
whole Constitutional vi«-or as the sheet-anchor of 
our peace at home and safety abroad ; (5) a jealous 
care of the right of election by the people, a mild 
and safe corrective of abuses, which are lopped off 



THE SECOND PAY'S PROCEEDINGS. 463 

by the sword of revolution where peaceable means 
are unprovided ; (6) absolute acquiescence in the 
decisions of the majority, the vital principle of 
republics, from which there is no appeal but to 
force, the vital principle and immediate parent of 
despotism; (7) a well-disciplined militia, our best 
reliance in peace and for the first moments in 
war ; (8) the supremacy of the civil over the mil- 
itary authority ; (9) economy in the public ex- 
penses, that labor may be lightly burdened ; (10) 
the honest payment of our debts and the preser- 
vation of our public faith ; (11) encouragement of 
agriculture and of commerce as its handmaid ; 
(12) the diffusion of information and arraignment 
of all abuses at the bar of public reason; (13) 
freedom of religion ; (14) freedom of the press ; 
(15) freedom of the person under the protection 
of the habeas corpus ; (16) trial by juries impar- 
tially selected. Add to these the golden eco- 
nomic rule that no more taxes should be levied 
upon the people in any way than are necessary to 
meet the honest expenses of Government, and 
you have a body of principles to sin against which 
has been political death to every party hitherto, 
to sin against which in the future will be political 
suicide. 

"True to these principles, the Democratic party 
fought successfully our foreign wars, protected 
our citizens in every clime, compelled the respect 
of all nations for our flag, added imperial domain 



,04 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION. 

to our territory, and insured peace, prosperity, 
and happiness to all our people. False to these 
principles, the great Federal, Whig, and Know- 
Nothing parties went down, never to rise ; and we 
are here to-day, representatives of the party that 
has survived all others, the united, triumphant, 
invincible Democracy, prepared to strike dow n 
forever the last surviving foe in November. 

" Our standard must be the rallying-point now 
and in the future for all ^ood citizens who love 
and cherish republican institutions, who love lib- 
erty regulated by the Constitution and law, who 
believe in a Government not for a class or for a 
few, but a Government of all the people, by all 
the people, and for all the people. This has been 
the asylum for, all good men from over the earth 
who flee from want and oppression, and mean to 
become Americans. But we invite and welcome 
only * friends to this ground and liegemen ' to the 
Republic. Our institutions cannot change to meet 
hostile wishes, nor be so much as sensibly modi- 
fied save by the peaceful and deliberate action of 
the mass of our people in accordance with the 
Constitution and the laws of the land. Whatever 
problems the present has or the future may pre- 
sent, so far as political action can effect them, will 
be dealt with by the American people within the 
law. And in the future, as in the past, the people 
will find security for their liberty and property, 
encouragement and protection for their industries, 



THE SECOND DA K'5 PROCEEDINGS. 



465 



peace and prosperity following" the party of the 
American masses, which will ever shield them 
against the aggressions of power and monopoly 
on the. one side, and on the other the sureino-s of 
chaos. While almost all the rest of the civilized 
world is darkened by armies, crushed by Kings, 
or nightmared by conspiracies, we alone enjoy a 
healthy peace, a rational liberty, a progressive 
prosperity. We owe it to our political institutions, 
to Democratic teachings, at least as much as to the 
exuberant soil. The man is not a eood American 
who, knowing what we are, by act or by word, ex- 
periment or thought, in any way, will attempt to 
weaken the foundation of this splendid political 
structure — the Republic of the United States. 

"We meet to-day under conditions new to the 
Democrats of this generation. How often we 
stood in conventions in the past when to others it 
seemed as if the shadows of death closed about 
us, when the day of victory seemed almost as far 
away as the day of general judgment. It could 
not then be said that we met for spoils or personal 
advantage. We met to keep the fires of Demo- 
cratic liberty alive till the dawn of a better day. If 
we were a party of misfortune, it must also be 
agreed that we were a party of undaunted courage 
and inflexible principles. Twenty-eight years ago, 
the Democratic party, rent in fragments, heated 
by feuds that only time could allay or punishment 
destroy, met, as it looks now, merely to settle in 



.56 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

angry mood the terms upon which they should 
become exiled from power. By their mad dissen- 
sions they elected to go to defeat rather than 
wait for the sobering influence of time to 
close the breach. To the younger men of that 
day the act seemed suicide, mitigated by insanity. 
Their madness transferred to a minority of the 
American people the political government of 
all. That party, whatever the honesty and 
respectability of its members, however patriotic 
its motives, was not broad or national at its base. 
It had almost but one central idea, and when that 
idea was set in the Constitution and crystallized 
into law it ran a career of riot that appalled all 
men. The history of that period of political de- 
bauchery is too sad and familiar to Americans to 
be recited anew. The Republican party, sometimes 
peacefully and sometimes by force, sometimes fairly 
and sometimes by fraud, succeeded in holding 
power twenty-four years, till at last the American 
people, no longer condoning its faults or forgiving 
its sins, hurled it from power and again committed 
to the historic party of the Constitution and the 
whole Union the administration of our political 
affairs. We won by the well-earned confidence 
of the country in the rectitude of our purpose, by 
the aid of chivalrous and conscientious men who 
could no longer brook the corruptions of the Re- 
publican party. It was a great, deserved, neces- 
sary victory. 



THE SECOND DAY'S PROCEEDINGS. 



4.67 



" The day on which Grover Cleveland, the plain, 
straightforward, typical American citizen chosen 
at the election, took the oath of office in the pre- 
sence of the multitude — a day so lovely and so 
perfect that all nature seemed exuberantly to 
sanction and to celebrate the victory — that day 
marked the close of an old era and the beginning 
of a new one. It closed the era of usurpation of 
power by the Federal authority, of illegal force, of 
general contempt for constitutional limitations and 
plain law, of glaring scandals, profligate waste and 
unspeakable corruption, of narrow sectionalism 
and class strife, of the reign of a party whose 
good work had long been done. It began the 
era of perfect peace and perfect union. The 
States fused in all their sovereignty into a Fed- 
eral Republic with limited but ample powers, of a 
public service conducted with absolute integrity 
and strict economy ; of reforms pushed to their 
extreme limit ; of comprehensive, sound, and safe 
financial policy; giving security and confidence to 
all enterprise and endeavor, a Democratic Ad- 
ministration faithful to its mighty trust, loyal to 
its pledges, true to the Constitution, safe-guard- 
ing the interests and liberties of the people. And 
now we stand on the edge of another era, perhaps 
a greater contest, with a relation to the electors 
that we have not held for a Generation — that of 
responsibility for the great trust of Government. 
We are no longer auditors, but accountants ; no 



46S DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION. 

longer critics, but the criticised. The responsi- 
bility is ours, and if we have not taken all the 
power necessary to make that responsibility good 
the fault is ours, not that of the people. 

" We are confronted by a wily, unscrupulous, 
and desperate foe. There will be no speck on 
the record that they will not magnify into a blot ; 
no circumstance that they will not torture and 
misrepresent ; no disappointment that they will 
not exaggerate into a revolt ; no class or creed 
that they will not seek to inflame ; no passion 
that they will not attempt to rouse ; no fraud that 
they will not willingly perpetrate. They fancy, 
indeed, that there is no imposture too monstrous 
for the popular credulity, no crime that will not 
be condoned. But we stand at guard, full armed 
at every point to meet them. Our appeal is not 
to passion nor to prejudice, to class or faction, tc 
race or creed, but to the sound common sense, 
the interest, the intelligence, and patriotism of the 
American people. 

" The Administration of President Cleveland 
has triumphantly justified his election. It com- 
pels the respect, confidence, and approval of the 
country. The prophets of evil and disaster are 
dumb. What the people see is the Government 
of the Union restored to its ancient footing of 
justice, peace, honesty, and impartial enforcement 
of law. They see the demands of labor and 
ai/riculture met so far as Government can meet 



THE SECOND DAY'S PROCEEDINGS. *fo 

them by the legislative enactments for their en- 
couragement and protection. They see the vete- 
rans of the Civil War granted pensions long due 
them to the amount of more than twice in number 
and nearly three times in value of those granted 
under any previous Administration. They see 
more than 32000,000 acres of land recklessly 
and illegally held by the grantees of the corrupt 
Republican regime restored to the public domain 
for the benefit of honest settlers. They see the 
negro, whose fears of Democratic rule were 
played upon by demagogues four years ago, not 
only more fully protected than by his pretended 
friends, but honored as his race was never hon- 
ored before. They see a financial policy under 
which reckless speculation has practically ceased 
and capital is freed from distrust. They see for 
the first time an honest observance of the law 
governing the civil establishment, and the em- 
ployes of the people rid at last of the political 
highwaymen with a demand for tribute in one 
hand and a letter of dismissal in the other. They 
see useless offices abolished and expenses of ad- 
ministration reduced, while improved methods 
have lifted the public service to high efficiency. 
They see tranquillity, order, security, and equal 
justice restored in the land; a watchful, steady, 
safe, and patriotic Administration — the solemn 
promises made by the Democracy faithfully kept. 
* It is an honest Government by honest men.' If 



4/0 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION. 

this record seems prosaic, if it lacks the blood* 
thrillinor element, if it is not lit with lurid fires, if 
it cannot be illustrated by a pyrotechnic display, 
if it is merely the plain record of a constitutional 
party in a time of peace, engaged in administra* 
tive reforms, it is because the people of the 
country four years ago elected not to trust to 
sensation and experiment, however brilliant and 
alluring, but preferred to place the helm in a 
steady hand, with a fearless, trustworthy, patriotic 
man behind it. Upon that record and upon our 
earnest efforts, as yet incomplete, to reduce and 
equalize the burdens of taxation, we enter the 
canvass and go to the polls, confident that the free 
and intelligent people of this great country will 
say, 'Well done, good and faithful servants.' 

"To the patriotic, independent citizens who, 
four years ago, forsook their old allegiance and 
came to our support, and who since that time 
have nobly sustained the Administration, the 
Democratic party owes a deep debt of gratitude. 
That they have been reviled and insulted by their 
former associates is not only a signal compliment 
to their character and influence, but another evi- 
dence of the decadence of the Republican party. 
Blind worship of the machine — the political Jug- 
gernaut — is exacted from every man who will take 
even standing room in that party. The Demo- 
cratic temple is open to all, and if in council we 
cannot a^ree in all things, our motto is : 'In es- 



THE SECOND DAY'S PROCEEDINGS. 47 1 

sentials, unity; in non-essentials, liberty; in all 
things, charity.' To all good men we say, 'Come 
in.' ' Good-will ne'er halted at the door-stone.' 
As four years ago you voted with us to reform 
the Administration, to conserve our institutions 
for the well-being of our common country, so 
join with us again in approval of the work so well 
accomplished to complete what remains undone. 
We ask you to remember that it is a ' fatal error 
to weaken the hands of a political organization by 
which great reforms have been achieved and risk 
them in the hands of their known adversaries.' 
Four years ago you trusted tentatively the Dem- 
ocratic party, and supported with zeal and vigor 
its candidate for President. You thought him 
strong in all the sturdy qualities requisite for the 
great task of reform. Behold your splendid jus- 
tification. No President in time of peace had so 
difficult and laborious a duty to perform. His 
party had been out of power for twenty- four 
years. Every member of it had been almost ven- 
omously excluded from the smallest post where 
administration could be studied. Every place 
was filled by men whose interest it was to 
thwart inquiry and belittle the new Administra- 
tion ; but the master hand came to the helm, 
and the true course has been kept from the be- 
ginning. 

" We need not wait for time to do justice to 
the character and services of President Cleveland. 



a 7 2 DEMO CRA TIC NA TIONA L CON VENTION. 

Honest, clear-sighted, patient, grounded in re- 
spect for law and justice ; with a thorough grasp 
of principles and situations ; with marvelous and 
conscientious industry; the very incarnation of 
firmness — he has nobly fulfilled the promise of 
his party, nobly met the expectations of his coun- 
try, and written his name high on the scroll where 
future Americans will read the names of men who 
have been supremely useful to the Republic. 

u Fellow-Democrats : This is but the initial 
meeting in a political campaign destined to be 
memorable. It will be a clashing of nearly even 
forces. Let no man here or elsewhere belittle or 
underestimate the strength or resources of the 
opposition. But great as they are, the old Dem- 
ocratic party, in conscious strength and perfect 
union, faces the issue fearlessly.'* 

DANIEL DOUGHERTY NOMINATES CLEVELAND. 

When all the necessary routine business had 
'been transacted, it was proposed that, as the Com- 
mittee on Resolutions was not yet ready to report, 
the Convention should adjourn until evening. 
This motion was resisted and the rules were sus= 
pended in order that the roll of States might be 
called for naming candidates for President. There- 
upon the State of Alabama when called sur- 
rendered its right to name a candidate to Daniel 
Dougherty, of New York, who made the following 



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THE SECOND DAY'S PROCEEDINGS. 475 

speech presenting the name of Grover Cleve- 
land : 

" I greet you, my countrymen, with fraternal 
regard. In your presence I bow to the majesty 
of the people. The sight itself is inspiring, the 
thought sublime. You come from every State 
and Territory, from every nook and corner of our 
ocean-bound, continent-covering country. You 
are about to discharge a more than imperial duty. 
With simplest ceremonials, you, as representatives 
of the people, are to choose a magistrate with 
power mightier than a monarch, yet checked and 
controlled by the supreme law of a written Con- 
stitution. Thus impressed, I ascend the rostrum 
to name the next President of the United States. 
New York presents him to the Convention and 
pledges her electoral vote. Delegations from the 
thirty-eight States and all the Territories aire here 
assembled without caucus or consultation, ready 
simultaneously to take up the cry and make the 
vote unanimous. We are here not indeed to 
choose a candidate, but to name the one the people 
have already chosen. 

" He is the man for the people. His career 
illustrates the glory of our institutions. Eight 
years ago unknown, save in his own locality, he 
for the last four vears has stood in the craze of 
the world, discharging t ] ie m ost exalted duties 
that can be confided to a mortal. To-day de- 
termines that not of his own choice, but by the 



a j 5 DEMOCRA TIC NA TIONAL CONVENTION. 

mandate of his countrymen and with the sanction 
of heaven, he shall fill the Presidency for four 
years more. He has met and mastered every 
question as if from youth trained to statesman- 
ship. The promises of his letter of acceptance 
and inaugural address have been fulfilled. His 
fidelity in the past inspires faith in the future. 
He is not a hope. He is a realization. Scorning 
subterfuge, disdaining re-election by concealing 
convictions, mindful of his oath of office to defend 
the Constitution, he courageously declares to 
Congress, dropping minor matters, that the su- 
preme issue is reform, revision, reduction of 
national taxation ; that the Treasury of the United 
States, glutted with unneeded gold, oppresses in- 
dustry, embarrasses business, endangers financial 
tranquillity, and breeds extravagance, centraliza- 
tion, and corruption ; that high taxation, vital for the 
expenditures of an unparalleled war, is robbery in 
years of prosperous peace ; that the millions that ' 
pour into the Treasury come from the hard-earned 
savings of the American people ; that in violation 
of equality of rights the present tariff has created 
a privileged class, who, shaping legislation for 
their personal gain, levy by law contributions for 
the necessaries of life from every man, woman, and 
child in the land ; that to lower the tariff is not 
free trade — it is to reduce the unjust profits of 
monopolists and boss manufacturers and allow 
consumers to retain the rest. 



THE SECOND DAY'S PROCEEDINGS. 477 

"The man who asserts that to lower the tariff 
means free trade, insults intelligence. We brand 
him as a falsifier. It is furthest from our thoughts 
to imperil capital or disturb enterprises. The 
aim is to uphold wages and protect the rights of 
all. This Administration has rescued the public 
domain from would-be barons and cormorant cor- 
porations, faithless to obligations, and reserved it 
for free homes for this and coming generations. 
There is no pilfering. There are no jobs under 
this Administration. Public office is a public trust. 
Integrity stands guard at every post of our vast 
empire. While he has been the medium through 
which has flowed the undying gratitude of the 
Republic for her soldiers, he has not hesitated to 
withhold approval from special legislation if strict- 
est inquiry revealed a want of truth and justice, 

"Above all, sectional strife, as never before, is 
at an end, and 6o,ooo,oco of freemen in the ties 
of brotherhood are prosperous and happy. These 
are the achievements of this Administration. 
Under the same illustrious leader we are ready 
to meet our political opponents in high and hon- 
orable debate and stake our triumph on the intel- 
ligence, virtue, and patriotism of the people, 
Adhering to the Constitution, its every line and 
letter, ever remembering that ' powers ' not del- 
egated to the United States by the Constitution, 
nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to 
the States respectively, or to the people, by the 



4 ;S 



DEMOCRA TIC XA TlONAL COX TEA T10N. 



authority of the Democracy of New York and by 
the Democracy of the entire Union, I give you 
a name entwined with victory. I nominate Gro- 
ver Cleveland, of New York." 

Immediately upon the name of the President 
being- pronounced there ensued a scene which 
baffles all attempts at description. The like of it 
is to be seen only at a National political conven- 
tion, but such a fervent and prolonged outburst 
of enthusiasm as took place upon this occasion 
was without a precedent in American politica T 
history. A contemporary account of it says: 
" The delegates were standing on their chairs 
waving their hats, handkerchiefs, and canes, and 
cheering like mad. Some of them opened their 
umbrellas and waved them. The uproar was 
deafening. Somebody pressed an electric button 
upon the platform and the band at the far end of 
the Convention struck up. Just what the air was 
nobody could distinguish from the reporters' gal- 
lery. The spectators in the galleries were more 
wildly enthusiastic than the occupants of the floor. 
The bronzed eao-les were torn from their fasten- 
ings and hoisted to view by eager hands. The 
delegates upon the floor below were bombarded 
with wads of morning newspapers. One of the 
Vice-Presidents crowned the bust of President 
Cleveland with a wreath of laurel. By means of 
an ingenious contrivance a life-size figure repre- 



THE SECOND DAY'S PROCEEDINGS. 47Q 

senting the President appeared upon the screen 
that covered the end of the hall and disappeared 
within the doors of the Capitol thereon depicted. 
The standards were snatched from their sockets, 
and the banners of the States and Territories were 
massed above the New York delegation. It was 
a demonstration that lasted twenty-five minutes, 
and then, as the din died away, the strains of The 
Star-Spangled Banner and Yankee Doodle filled 
the air." 

After the enthusiasm had somewhat subsided, 
James A. McKenzie made a humorous speech 
seconding the nomination ; and other addresses 
to the same purpose were made by H. D. D. 
Twiggs, of Georgia; Byron J. Stout, of Michigan; 
F. W. Dawson, of South Carolina, and H. W. 
Lightfoot, of Texas. The question of nominating 
Cleveland by acclamation was then put to the 
Convention, and without a call of the roll or a 
dissenting vote he was declared to be the candi- 
date of the Democratic party for President of the 
United States. Exactly one hour and a quarter 
had been consumed in reaching this unanimous 
and harmonious result, when the Convention 
adjourned until ten o'clock the following morn- 
ing. 




CHAPTER IV. 

THE THIRD DAY'S PROCEEDINGS. . 

PON the assembling of the Convention on 
Thursday, prayer was offered by Rev. 
Dr. Bronk, of the Central Presbyterian 
Church, St. Louis. The Chairman then announced 
that the Committee on Resolutions was ready to 
make a report, which was presented as the unan- 
imous agreement of the Committee. The plat- 
form was as follows : 

THE PLATFORM. 

The Democratic party of the United States in 
National Convention assembled renews the pledge 
of its fidelity to Democratic faith, and reaffirms 
the platform adopted by its representatives in the 
Convention of 1884 an d indorses the views ex- 
pressed by President Cleveland in his last annual 
message to Congress as the correct interpretation 
of that platform upon the question of tariff reduc- 
tion ; and also indorses the efforts of our Demo- 
cratic representatives in Congress to secure a 
reduction of excessive taxation. 

Chief among its principles of party faith are the 
maintenance of an indissoluble Union of free and 
indestructible States, now about to enter upon its 
second century of unexampled progress and re- 
nown ; devotion to a plan of government regula- 
480 



THE THIRD DA Y 1 S PROCEEDINGS. jO T 

ted by a written Constitution strictly specifying 
every granted power, and expressly reserving to 
the States or people the entire ungranted residue 
ot power; the encouragement ot a jealous, pop- 
ular vigilance directed to all who have been chosen 
for brief terms to enact and execute the laws 
and are charged with the duty of preserving 
peace, insuring equality, and establishing justice. 

The Democratic party welcomes an exacting 
scrutiny of the administration of the executive 
power, which four years ago was committed to its 
trust in the election of Grover Cleveland as 
President of the United States, but it challenges 
the most searching inquiry concerning its fidelity 
and devotion to the pledges which then invited 
the suffrages of the people. During a most crit- 
ical period of our financial affairs, resulting from 
over-taxation, the anomalous condition of our 
currency, and a public debt unmatured, it has, by 
the adoption of a wise and conservative course, 
not only averted disaster, but greatly promoted 
the prosperity of the people. 

It has reversed the improvident and unwise 
policy of the Republican party touching the pub- 
lic domain, and has reclaimed from corporations 
and syndicates, alien and domestic, and restored 
to the people nearly one hundred millions of 
acres of valuable land, to be sacredly held as 
homesteads for our citizens. 

While carefully guarding the interests of the 
taxpayers and conforming strictly to the princi- 
ples of justice and equity, it has paid out more for 
pensions and bounties to the soldiers and sailors 
of the Republic than was ever paid beiore during 
an equal period. 



,g 2 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION. 

It has adopted and consistently pursued a firm 
and prudent foreign policy, preserving peace with 
all nations while scrupulously maintaining all the 
rights and interests of our own Government and 
people at home and abroad. The exclusion from 
our shores of Chinese laborers has been effectu- 
ally secured under the provision of a treaty, the 
operation of which has been postponed by the 
action of a Republican majority in the Senate. 

Honest reform in the civil service has been in- 
augurated and maintained by President Cleve- 
land, and he has brought the public service to the 
highest standard of efficiency, not only by rule 
and precept, but by the example of his own un- 
tiring and unselfish administration of public af- 
fairs. 

In every branch and department of the Gov- 
ernment under Democratic control the rights and 
the welfare of all the people have been guarded 
and defended, every public interest has been pro- 
tected, and the equality of all our citizens before 
the law, without regard to race or color, has been 
steadfastly maintained. 

Upon its record thus exhibited, and upon the 
pledge of a continuance to the people of the ben- 
efits of Democracy, the Democracy invoke a re- 
newal of popular trust' by the re-election of a 
Chief Magistrate who has been faithful, able, and 
prudent. We invoke in addition to that trust 
r he transfer also to the Democracy of the entire 
legislative power. 

The Republican party, controlling the Senate 
and resisting in both Houses of Congress a re- 
formation of unjust and unequal tax laws, which 
lave outlasted the necessities of war and are now 



THE THIRD DAY'S PRO CEEDINGS. 4^3 

undermining the abundance of a long peace, deny 
to the people equality before the law and the fair- 
ness and the justice which are their right. Then 
the cry of American labor for a better share in 
the rewards of industry is stifled with false pre- 
tences, enterprise is fettered and bound down 
to home markets, capital is discouraged with 
doubt, and unequal, unjust laws can neither be 
properly amended nor repealed. The Demo- 
cratic party will continue with all the power con- 
fided to it the struggle to reform these laws in 
accordance with the pledges of its last platform, 
indorsed at the ballot-box by the suffrages of the 
people. 

Of all the industrious freemen of our land, the 
immense majority, including every tiller of the 
soil, gain no advantage from excessive tax laws, 
but the price of nearly everything they buy is in- 
creased by the favoritism of an unequal system 
of tax legislation. All unnecessary taxation is 
unjust taxation. It is repugnant to the creed of 
Democracy that by such taxation the cost of the 
n jcessaries of life should be unjustifiably increased 
to all our people. Judged by Democratic prin- 
ciples, the interests of the people are betrayed 
when, by unnecessary taxation, trusts and combi- 
nations are permitted to exist which, while unduly 
enriching the few that combine, rob the body of 
our citizens by depriving them of the benefits of 
natural competition. Every Democratic rule of 
governmental action is violated when, through 
unnecessary taxation, a vast sum of money, far 
beyond the needs of an economical administration, 
is drawn from the people and the channels of 
trade, and accumulated as a demoralizing surplus 



4-1 



DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION*. 



in the Treasury. The money now lying idle in 
the Federal Treasury, resulting from superfluous 
taxation, amounts to more than one hundred and 
twenty-five millions, and the surplus collected is 
reaching the sum of more than sixty millions 
annually. Debauched by this immense temp- 
tation, the remedy of the Republican party is to 
meet and exhaust by extravagant appropriation 
and expenses, whether constitutional or not, the 
accumulation of extravagant taxation. The 
Democratic policy is to enforce frugality in public 
expense and abolish unnecessary taxation. Our 
established domestic industries and enterprises 
should not and need not be endangered by the 
reduction and correction of the burdens of tax- 
ation. On the contrary, a fair and careful revision 
of our tax laws, with due allowance for the differ- 
ence between the waa-es of American and foreign 
labor, must promote and encourage every branch 
of such industries and enterprises, by giving them 
assurance of an extended market and steady and 
continuous operations. In the interests of Ameri- 
can labor, which should in no event be neglected, 
the revision of our tax laws contemplated by the 
Democratic party should promote the advantage 
of such labor, by cheapening the cost of neces- 
saries of life in the home of every workingman, 
and at the same time securing to him steady and 
remunerative employment. 

Upon this question of tariff reform, so closely 
concerning every phase of our national life, and 
upon every question involved in the problem of 
good government, the Democratic party submits 
its principles and professions to the intelligent 
suffrages of the American people. 



THE THIRD DAY'S IJWCEEDINGS. 



4S5 



MORE SPEECHES AND RESOLUTIONS. 

Mr. Watterson, reporting the platform, made 
the following short speech of explanation and 
advocacy : 

" Mr. Chairman and Fellow - Democrats ; 
We bring to you a platform upon which Demo- 
crats may stand without feeling that they are 
away from home. It embraces a declaration of 
principles to which Democrats may subscribe 
without looking around the corner. It embodies 
a statement of facts incontrovertible. It delocal- 
izes the cause of reform and ogives to it a lano-ua^e 
which may be spoken alike in New Jersey and 
Iow r a, in Massachusetts and in Texas. Its face is 
set in the right direction, and its eyes look upon 
the rising, not the setting sun. 

" Gentlemen, the language of agitation is one 
thing, the hand of construction is another thing. 
Thanks to Grover Cleveland, the attention of the 
country, wooed by others so long in vain, is fixed 
at last upon a remedy of real instead of the im- 
aginary evils arising out of a state of war; and 
henceforward the Democratic party, which has 
been the voice, will become the hand, of the people. 
But its hands will be the hands of the builder, not 
the destroyer, and it will remove the occupants 
before it takes the roof off the house. 

* ( Fellow-Democrats, I bid you be of cheer 
touching the future of the party and the country. 



486 



DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



Democracy at least is one with itself, and though 
we may sometimes contend among ourselves, our 
contests shall be like those of the Romans of old, 
only resulting in more Romans. It is now the 
time of the Republicans to know what it is to have 
only half the country and no leader at all. 

" Gentlemen, two good Democrats can only 
understand one another thoroughly and love one 
another entirely when they have had some fun 
together, and this will be sufficient reason, if any 
reason were needed, why I should present to you 
Senator Gorman, of Maryland." 

senator gorman's speech. 

Upon this introduction by the Chairman of the 
Committee Senator Gorman spoke as follows : 

" Mr. President, Gentlemen of the Conven- 
tion, and Democrats all: I would be out of place 
were I found elsewhere than in a Democratic 
Convention and standing upon the Democratic 
principles as written by Jefferson and now being 
enforced by the Democratic party under the lead 
of Grover Cleveland. Four years ago, at 
Chicago, the Democratic party, restating its dec- 
laration of principles, promised that, if intrusted 
with power, sectionalism should be wiped out 
forever, that the finances of your Government 
should be so controlled and its tariff directed not 
to impair the business industries of the land, but 
that extravagant expenditures should be reduced 



THE THIRD DA Y'S PROCEEDINGS. 



4 3 7 



until we should have a Government economically 
administered, and that the war taxes placed upon 
us by the Republican party should be reduced 
according to the requirements of the Government. 
Upon the declaration of principles thus made at 
Chicago we went before the people, and the result 
was the election of Grover Cleveland. In the 
matter of the reduction of taxation he has been 
thus honest and earnest and with a desire to carry 
out to the letter the promises of his party ; and 
when he declared that we were now to face the 
fact of the reduction of taxation and wipe out 
this hundred million of surplus, it was no longer 
a question, nor could it be controlled by clap-trap 
phrases of the opposition charging us with free 
trade, but we stood pledged as honest men, as 
honest reformers, to reduce this immense taxation 
one hundred millions per annum. 

" Differ as you will about the phrases, we have 
presented a platform in strict accord with all the 
Democratic declarations that have preceded us. 
As Mr. Watterson has well said, it is a platform 
upon which every Democrat in this broad land 
can stand. And if, in the discussion of the great 
questions where local interests play so sharp a 
part, there is during the campaign and during 
future campaigns some difference, there will be 
the same spirit of toleration. We will hold every 
Democrat to the cardinal principles of the party, 
but we will give him liberty of conscience and 



4 gg DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL C0NVEA T T70AT. 

action on non-essentials. With such a declara- 
tion and such a candidate we will go forth to bat- 
tle against a party which is yet well organized, 
holding advantage of a position of criticising 
without making themselves responsible for any 
particular measure. We will not underrate them, 
but I say to you, with an opportunity that I have 
had of communication with our fellow-Democrats 
in every State of the Union, comparing it with 
the great contest we had in 1884, we are better 
organized, united, and, I think, more certain of 
victory." 

SUPPLEMENTING THE PLATFORM. 

Mr. Watterson moved that the report of the 
Committee be adopted, which was agreed to by 
a unanimous vote. Mr. Watterson then an- 
nounced that the Committee would present three 
resolutions, the passage of which they recom- 
mended without discussion. The first of these, 
which was presented by William L. Scott, was : 

"Resolved, That this Convention hereby in- 
dorses and recommends the early passage of the 
bill for the reduction of the revenue now pending 
in the House of Representatives." 

The resolution was adopted amid applause, 
and then Fred. W. Lehman, of Iowa, offered and 
the Convention adopted a resolution declaring 



THE THIRD DAY'S PROCEEDINGS. 



4 S 9 



for the admission of Washington Territory, Da- 
kota, Montana, and New Mexico into the Union. 
On motion of Ex-Governor Abbett, of New Jer- 
sey, the following resolution was also adopted : 

''Resolved, That we express our cordial sympa- 
thy with struggling people of all nations in their 
efforts to secure for themselves the inestimable 
blessings of self-government and civil and reli^r- 
ious liberty ; and we especially declare our sym- 
pathy with the efforts of those noble patriots who, 
led by Gladstone and Parnell, have conducted 
their grand and peaceful contest for Home Rule 
in Ireland." 

Mr. Baker, of Ohio, asked unanimous consent, 
as a delegate from the State which loved and hon~ 
ored Thomas A. Hendricks, to present and have 
adopted a resolution of respect to the late Vice- 
President and of reoret at his death. The reso- 
lution, which was adopted by a rising vote, was as 
follows : 

" The Democracy of the nation, in Convention 
assembled, remember with pride the distinguished 
services of Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks to his 
party and his country. He was a fearless leader, 
a distinguished statesman, a pure patriot. In 
the administration of all public trusts he acted 
with honor and with fidelity. We tender to Mrs. 
Hendricks in her bereavement the affectionate 
respect and sympathy of the Democracy of the 
United States." 



490 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION. 

The Chair announced that there had been a 
slight mistake in the report of the Committee on 
Platform in the statement that the Committee had 
been unanimous in its adoption of the resolutions 
presented to the Committee. Mr. Edward Cooper, 
of New York, dissented from a portion of the 
tariff plank. With this exception the Committee 
was unanimous. 

NOMINATING A VICE-PRESIDENT. 

The next business in order under the rules was 
the calling of the roll of States for nominations 
for Vice-President. When California was reached 
M. F. Tarpey presented the name of Allen G. 
Thurman, of Ohio, in a speech of considerable 
length, which aroused oreat enthusiasm. Thomas 
M. Patterson, of Colorado, nominated General 
John C. Black, of Illinois, only to withdraw his 
name by reason of a letter from General Black. 
United States Senator Daniel W, Vorhees named 
Isaac P. Gray, of Indiana. The nomination of 
Thurman was seconded in speeches by James P. 
Pigott, of Connecticut; M. C. Dryden, of Mis- 
souri ; Governor Robert S. Green, of New Jersey ; 
J. W. Dorsey, of Nevada ; George Raines, of 
New York ; Thomas E. Powell, of Ohio ; F. W. 
Dawson, of South Carolina; J. W. Throckmorton, 
of Texas ; John W. Daniel, of Virginia, and 
Martin Maginnis, of Montana. Speeches second- 
ing the nomination of Gray were made by Albert 



THE THIRD DAY'S PROCEEDINGS. 49 1 

H. Cox, of Georgia, and Evan C. Little, of Ken- 
tucky. 

Upon a call of the roll of States, it was found 
that Allen G. Thurman had received 687 votes; 
Isaac P. Gray, 104 ; and John C. Black, 31. The 
States that cast their votes solidly for Thurman 
were: Arkansas, 14; California, 16 ; Connecticut, 
12; Florida, 8 ; Louisiana, 16; Maine, 12; Mary- 
land, 16; Mississippi, 18; Nevada, 6; New 
Hampshire, 8 ; New Jersey, 18; New York, 72; 
North Carolina, 22; Oregon, 6; Ohio, 46; Penn- 
sylvania, 60; Rhode Island, 6 ; South Carolina, 18 ; 
Tennessee, 24; Texas, 26; Vermont, 8; Virginia, 
24; Iowa, 26, and two votes were cast by each 
of the Territories for Thurman. 

The States that divided their votes were : Ala- 
bama, with 15 for Thurman, 4 for Gray, and 1 for 
Black; Delaware, with 3 for Thurman and 3 for 
Gray ; Illinois, with 1 7 each for Black and Gray, 
and 10 for Thurman ; Kansas, with 2 for Black, 
2 for Gray, and 14 for Thurman ; Kentucky, with 
17 for Gray, 1 for Black, and 8 for Thurman ; 
Massachusetts, with 1 for Black, 7 for Gray, and 
19 for Thurman ; Michigan, with 3 for Black and 
23 for Thurman ; Minnesota, with 1 for Gray, and 
13 for Thurman ; Nebraska, 2 for Gray, and 8 for 
Thurman. Only one State voted solidly for Gray. 
That was his own — Indiana. Only one State voted 
solidly for Black — Colorado. 

Before the vote was announced, the certainty 



49 2 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION. 

of Thurman's nomination beine manifest, the Con. 
vention again broke out into a storm of uncon- 
trollable applause, repeating the scenes of the 
day previous. It was only checked after fifteen 
minutes of wild cheering, and the nomination was 
made unanimous. 

A TRIBUTE TO THE DEAD. 

The following resolution, offered by Colonel 
John R. Fellows, of New York, was unanimously 
adopted : 

"Resolved, That this Convention, having com- 
pleted the business for which it assembled, cannot 
separate without an expression of its deep sense of 
the irreparable loss which, since the great triumph 
in 1884, when the people restored to the Dem- 
ocratic party the administration of the General 
Government, for twenty-four years confided to its 
opponent, has been sustained by that party in the 
death of the four most distinguished of its mem- 
bers, who during those years had been its candi- 
dates for the Presidency of the United States, 
Winfield Scott Hancock', the superb soldier in war 
and the fearless asserter of the supremacy of the 
law in peace ; Samuel J. Tilden, the leader and 
able exponent of the immortal principles of Jef- 
ferson, and the sagacious and triumphant political 
leader, who refused to right by force the great 
wrong which had defrauded him of the high office 
to which he had been elected ; Horatio Seymour, 
the gifted orator and matchless leader of men, 
who held through all his life the boundless confi- 



THE THIRD DAY'S PROCEEDINGS. 493 

denceofhis party ; and George B. McClellan, the 
brilliant organizer of the armies of the Union, as 
sound in his political principles as he was laithful 
in the performance of his official duties — the 
great and noble sons who in so brief a period it 
nas had to yield to the cold embrace of the grave ; 
and, though we have parted with their mortal re- 
mains, they will live forever in the grateful hearts 
of the party they honored and served, and their 
generous;minded countrymen of every party will 
cherish all through their time the sacred and beau- 
tiful memories ol their useful and illustrious lives." 

The Convention then adjourned sine die, 

THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE. 

The following members constitute the National 

Democratic Committee for the next four years : 

Alabama— HENRY C. CLAYTON. 

Arkansas— S. W. FORDYCE, JR. 
California- M. F. TARPEY. 
Colorado— C. S. THOMAS. 

Connecticut— -W '. H. BARNUM (C/*'»). 
Delaware— DR. JAMES A. DRAPER. 
. Florida— SAMUEL PASCO. 

Georgia— JAMES H. ESTELL. 

Illinois— ERSKINE M. PHELPS.* 
Indiana— -S. P. SHEERIN. 

Iowa—]. J. RICHARDSON. 
Kansas— Q. W. BLAIR. 

Kentucky— H. D. McHENRY. 

Louisiana— JAMES JEFFERIES. 
Maine— ARTHUR SEWELL .* 
Maryland— A. P. GORMAN.* 

* Executive Committee. 



494 DEMO CRA 7 7C NA TIONA L CON VEN TWN. 

Massachusetts— CHARLES D. LEWIS. 
Michigan— Q. M. BARNES. 

Minnesota— MICHAEL DORAN. 
Mississippi— G. A. JOHNSTON. 
Missouri—]. G. PRATHER. 

Nebraska— JAMES E. BOYD 
Nevada— R. P. KEITING. 

New Hampshire— A. W. SULLOWAY. 
New Jersey— MILES ROSS.* 

New York— HERMAN OELRICHS.* 
North Carolina— MATTHEW W. RANSOM.* 
Ohio— CALVIN S. BRICE.* 
Oregon— A. NOLTNER. 

Pennsylvania— WILLIAM L. SCOTT.* 
Rhode Island— -T. B. BARNABY. 

.&w/yl Carolina— F. W. DAWSON. 
Tennessee— R. F. LOONEY. 
Texas— O. T. HOLT. 

Vermont— HIRAM ATKINS. 

Virginia— JOHN S. BARBOUR.* 

Wisconsin— JOHN L. MITCHELL. 

0^/ Virginia— W. L. CLEMENTS. 

THE PRESIDENT NOTIFIED. 

On the 26th of June, 1888, the members of the 
National Committee met in Washington, D. C, 
and organized for the campaign by the re-election 
of W. H. Barnum as Chairman. On the same 
day the Committee upon Notification, appointed 
by the St. Louis Convention, assembled in the 
Capital City, and at 2 p. m. were received by the 
President, his family, and Cabinet in the Executive 

* Executive Comiiiittee. 



THE PRESIDENT NOTIFIED. 40^ 

Mansion. Chairman P. A. Collins presented Air. 
Charles D. Jacob, of Kentucky, who read the 
formal letter of notification, to which the President 
made reply as follows : 

"I cannot but be profoundly impressed when I 
see about me the messengers of the National De- 
mocracy bearing its summons to duty. The political 
party to which I owe allegiance both honors and 
commands me. It places in my hand its proud 
standard and bids me bear it hio-h at the front in 
a battle which it wages, bravely because conscious 
of right, confidently because its trust is in the 
people, and soberly because it comprehends the 
obligations which success imposes. 

" The message which you bring awakens within 
me the liveliest sense of personal gratitude and 
satisfaction, and the honor which you tender me 
is in itself so ofreat that there mi^ht well be no 
room for any other sentiment. And yet I cannot 
rid myself of grave and serious thoughts when I 
remember that party supremacy is not alone in- 
volved in the conflict which presses upon us, but 
that we struofofle to secure and save the cherished 
institutions, the welfare and the happiness of a 
nation of freemen. 

" Familiarity with the great office which I hold 
has but added to my apprehension of its sacred 
character and the consecration demanded of him 
who assumes its immense responsibilities. It is 
the repository of the people's will and power. 



jo6 DEMOCRATIC XATIOXAL CONVENTION. 

Within its vision should be the protection and 
welfare of the humblest citizen ; and with quick 
ear it should catch from the remotest corner of 
the land the plea of the people for justice and for 
right. For the sake of the people, he who holds 
this office of theirs should resist every encroach- 
ment upon its legitimate functions; and for the 
sake of the integrity and usefulness of the office, 
it should be kept near to the people and be admin- 
istered in full sympathy with their wants and needs. 

" This occasion reminds me most vividly of the 
scene when, four years ago, I received a message 
from my party similar to that which you now 
deliver. With all that has passed since that day 
I can truly say that the feeling of awe with which 
I heard the summons then is intensified many fold 
when it is repeated now. 

"Four years ago I knew that our Chief Execu- 
tive office, if not carefully guarded, might drift lit- 
tle by little away from the people to whom it be- 
longed and become a^perversion of all it ought to 
be; but I did not know how much its moorings 
had already been loosened. I knew four years 
ago how well devised were the principles of true 
Democracy for the successful operation of a gov- 
ernment by the people and for the people ; but I 
did not know how absolutely necessary their ap- 
plication then was for the restoration to the peo- 
ple of their safety and prosperity. I knew then 
that abuses and extravagances had en pt into the 



THE PRESIDENT NO T1EIED. 49 J 

management of public affairs, but I did not know 
their numerous forms nor the tenacity of their 
grasp. I knew then something of the bitterness 
of partisan obstruction, but I did not know how 
bitter, how reckless, and how shameless it could 
be. I knew, too, that the American people were 
patriotic and just, but I did not know how grandly 
they loved their country nor how noble and gen- 
erous they were. 

" I shall not dwell upon the acts and the policy 
of the Administration now drawing to its close. 
Its record is open to every citizen in the land. 

'■ And yet I will not be denied the privilege of 
asserting at this time that in the exercise of the 
functions of the high trust confided to me, I have 
yielded obedience only to the Constitution and 
the solemn obligation of my oath of office. I have 
done those things which, in the light of the under- 
standing God has given me, seemed most condu- 
cive to the welfare of my countrymen and the 
promotion of good government. 

" I would not if I could, for myself nor for you, 
avoid a single consequence of a fair interpretation 
of my course. 

"It but remains for me to say to you, and 
through you to the Democracy of the nation, that 
I accept the nomination with which they have hon~ 
ored me, and that I will in due time signify such 
acceptance in the usual formal manner.'.' 



49 s 



DEM OCR A TIC NA TIOXAL CONVENTION. 



A FOURTH OF JULY LETTER. 

To the Tammany Society of New York, cele- 
brating the Fourth of July, 18SS, the President 
wrote as follows : 

"I regret that I am obliged to decline the cour- 
teous invitation which I have received to attend 
the celebration by the Tammany Society on the 
birthday of our Republic, on the fourth day of 
July next. The zeal and enthusiasm with which 
your Society celebrates this day afford proof of its 
steadfast patriotism as well as its care for all that 
pertains to the advantage and prosperity of the 
people. I cannot doubt that the renewal of a 
' love and devotion to a pure Jeffersonian Demo- 
cratic form of Government' which you contem- 
plate will suggest the inquiry whether the people 
are receivine all the benefits that are due them 
under such a form of government. These bene- 
fits are not fully enjoyed when our citizens are 
unnecessarily burdened, and their earnings and 
incomes are uselessly diminished under the pre- 
text of Government support. 

" Our Government belongs to the people. They 
have decreed its purposes, and it is their clear 
right to demand that its cost shall be limited by 
frugality, and that its burden of expense shall be 
carefully limited by its actual needs. And yet a 
useless and dangerous surplus in the National 
Treasury tells no other tale but extortion on the 



A FO UR TH OF JUL Y LE TTER. 499 

part of the Government and a perversion of the 
people's intention. 

"In the midst of our impetuous enterprise and 
blind confidence in our destiny, it is time to pause 
and study our condition. It is no sooner appre- 
ciated than the conviction must follow that the 
tribute exacted from the people should be dimin- 
ished. The theories which cloud the subject, mis- 
leading honest men, and the appeals to selfish 
interests which deceive the understanding make 
the reform, which should be easy, a difficult task. 

" Although those who propose a remedy for the 
present evils have always been the friends of Amer- 
ican labor, and though they declare their purposes 
to further its interests in all their efforts, yet those 
who oppose reform attempt to disturb our work- 
ingmen by the cry that their wages and their em- 
ployment are threatened. They advocate a sys- 
tem which benefits certain classes of our citizens 
at the expense of every householder in the land — 
a system which breeds discontent, because it per- 
mits the duplication of wealth without correspond- 
ing additional recompense to labor ; which pre- 
vents the opportunity to work by stifling production 
and limiting the area of our markets, and which 
enhances the cost of living beyond the laborer's 
hard-earned waofes. 

" The attempt is made to divert the attention of 
the people from the evils of such a scheme of tax- 
ation by branding those who seek to correct these 



5 CO DEMOCKA 7 1C A'A 1 10 X A L COX I r EA TION. 

evils as free traders and enemies of our working 
men and our industrial enterprises. This is sc 
far from the truth that there should be no chance 
for such deception to succeed. It behooves the 
American people while they rejoice in the anni- 
versary of the day when their free Government 
was declared to also reason together and deter- 
mine that they will not be deprived of the bless- 
ings and the benefits which their Government 
should afford." 

NOTIFYING MR. THURMAN. 

After the Committee had been fitly entertained 

in Washington its members journeyed by special 

train to Columbus, Ohio. In that city, on June 

28th, they visited Allen G. Thurman, the nominee 

for Vice-President, in a body at his home. Upon 

the presentation of the formal notification to him 

he said : 

" Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Com- 
mittee : — I pray you to accept my very sincere 

thanks for the kind and courteous manner in 
which you have communicated to me the official 
information of my nomination by the St. Louis 
Convention. You know without saying it that I 
am profoundly grateful to the Convention and to 
the Democratic party for the honor conferred 
upon me, and the more so that it was wholly un- 
sought and undesired by me ; not that I under- 
valued a distinction which any man of our party 



NOTIFYING MR. TIIUKMAN. 50I 

however eminent might highly prize, but simply 
because I had ceased to be ambitious of public 
life. But when I am told in so earnest and im- 
pressive a manner that I can still render service 
to the good cause to which I have ever been de- 
voted — a cause to which I am bound by the ties 
of affection, by the dictates of judgment, by a 
sense of obligation for favors so often conferred 
upon me — what can I under such circumstances 
do but yield my private wishes to the demand of 
those whose opinions I am bound to respect ? 

" Gentlemen, with an unfeigned diffidence in my 
ability to fulfill the expectations that led to my 
nomination, I yet feel it to be my duty to accept 
it and do all that it may be in my power to do to 
merit so marked a distinction. 

" Gentlemen, the country is blessed by an able 
and honest administration of the General Govern- 
ment. We have a President who wisely, bravely, 
diligently, and patriotically discharges the duties 
of his high office. I fully believe that the best 
interests of the country require his re-election, 
and the hope that I may be able to contribute 
somewhat to bring about the result is one of my 
motives for accepting a place on our ticket. I 
also feel it my duty to labor for a reduction of 
taxes and to put a stop to that accumulation of a 
surplus in the Treasury that, in my judgment, is 
not only prejudicial to our financial welfare, but 
is, in a hi^h degree, dangerous to honest and con- 



502 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

stitutional government. I suppose, gentlemen, 
that I need say no more to-day. In due time and 
in accordance with established usage I will trans- 
mit to your Chairman a written acceptance of my 
nomination, with such observations upon public 
questions as may seem to me to be proper." 



PRINCIPLES 



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PRINCIPLES 



DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 



CHAPTER I. 

THE PRINCIPLES OF WASHINGTON. 

WASHINGTON lived before the days 
of party politics. He exemplified his 
principles by his conduct, whether at 
the head of the army or of the civil Administra- 
tion. He had studied well the principles of free 
governments in former ages and was well 
grounded in the faith. In his Farewell Address to 
the American people he left a legacy any party 
might well be proud of. Not because he was at 
the head of a so-called Democratic or Republican 
or any party, but because the few fundamental 
principles upon which rested the perpetuity of the 
Union which he announced have always been a 
part of the faith of the Democracy, does it become 
appropriate here to insert those principles. No 
person can be a sound Democrat who cannot give 
unqualified assent to them. In substance he 
announced the following principles : — 

1 507 



508 democratic principles. 

"The union of the government is the main 
pillar in the edifice of our real independence : 
the support of our tranquillity at home, our peace 
abroad ; of our safety and our prosperity, yea, of 
the very liberty all so highly prize." 

He warned his countrymen that from different 
causes and from different quarters great pains 
would be taken (as was the case three-quarters of 
a century after that), and many artifices would be 
employed, to weaken in the minds of the people 
the conviction of this great truth. He told them 
that this was a point in their political fortress 
against which the batteries of internal and exter- 
nal enemies would most constantly and most 
actively, though covertly and insidiously, direct 
their assaults. 

He entreated them to cherish a cordial, habitual, 
and immovable attachment to the Union, accus- 
toming them to think and speak of it as the pal- 
ladium of their political safety and prosperity, 
watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety, 
discountenancing whatever might even suggest a 
suspicion that it could in any event be abandoned, 
and indignantly frown upon the first dawning of 
every attempt to alienate any portion of our coun- 
trymen from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred 
ties which link together the various parts of our 
common country. 

Whether he called himself a Democrat or not 
makes no difference, this principle of cherishing 



DEMOCRA TIC PRINCIPLES. 5O9 

an absolute devotion to the existence of the Union 
under one form of government is a sacred Demo- 
cratic principle that must be subscribed to by 
every citizen of this great Republic who aspires 
to be called an American Democrat. It is be- 
cause Democrats have ever entertained the same 
convictions and (save by the men who called 
themselves Democrats, but had forgotten or dis- 
regarded the warning voice of Washington, and 
went into a rebellion against the Government, 
thereby seeking to destroy the Union) have ever 
been true to these principles, and above all other 
parties most profoundly impressed with the truth 
of this doctrine, that many of the most thought- 
ful men have ever been Democrats. 

Washington sought by most cogent arguments 
to impress upon his countrymen that all parts of 
the country, North, South, East and West, had a 
common destiny and a common interest in the 
general welfare of every other section, and be- 
cause each added strength and security to the 
other, and in this sense the Union was the main 
prop of our liberties, so that the love for one 
should endear to the people the preservation of 
the other, and thus become the primary object of 
patriotic desire. 

Democrats believe all this ; and though the party 
itself became distracted and many of its adher 
ents were dragged into a rebellion, still, so soon 
as military force was overcome and the conviction 



5 I O DEMOCRA TIC PRINCIPL ES. 

of the mind could be freely exercised, even those 
again became as ardently attached to the Union 
as any other portion of our people, and since the 
close of the war have sought, by every means 
within their power, to bring together and bind 
more closely the whole people of this Union in 
the bonds of a fraternal brotherhood of States. 

Washington warned his countrymen against sec- 
tionalism. He cautioned them that designing 
men, as they ever have, would endeavor to excite 
a belief that there was a real difference of local 
interests and views. He said one of the expedi- 
ents of partyisms would be to acquire influence 
in one particular section by misrepresenting the 
opinions and aims of another section, and that 
they could not shield themselves too much against 
the jealousies and heart-burnings aroused by 
these misrepresentations, tending to alienate the 
sections from each other instead of binding- them 
more closely together with fraternal regard and 
affection, bringing about the opposite result. It 
is because we have seen the Democratic party en- 
deavoring by every possible means in its power 
to inculcate these same great truths, while its op- 
ponents have conducted themselves toward one 
section precisely in the way and manner suggested 
by Washington men would, that they are forced 
to be Democrats when true to their convictions 
of right. 

He cautioned his countrymen against heaping 



DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES. 



511 



up public debts for posterity to pay, thus ungen- 
erously throwing upon them burdens which we 
ourselves should pay. This whole business of 
bonded indebtedness is undemocratic and ought 
not to be indulged in if by any means it can be 
avoided. It is true that men calling themselves 
Democrats have been led astray by the plausible 
arguments of those who regarded " public debts 
as public blessings," still the Democratic party, as 
such, has ever denounced the practice, and be- 
cause they have always coincided with him in this 
particular they are Democrats. 

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, 
he conjured his fellow-citizens, their jealousy 
ought to be constantly awake. Numerous oppor- 
tunities would be offered, he said, to tamper with 
domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, 
to mislead public opinion, to influence public coun- 
cils. 

No attachment, therefore, for one nation to the 
exclusion of another should be tolerated. 

Such conduct would lead to concessions to one 
nation and denials of privileges to others, and 
would invite a multitude of evils upon us. 

It is because this has been a fundamental prin- 
ciple of the Democratic party, who most heartily 
believe in the doctrine, hence they are Democrats. 

Washington also advised his countrymen to re- 
sist with care the spirit of innovation upon the 
principles on which the Government was founded, 



5 I 2 DEMOCRA TIC PRINCIPLES. 

however specious the pretext might be. One 
method of assault would be, he said, to effect 
under the forms of the Constitution alterations 
which would impair the whole system. It is t>Gr 
cause the Democratic party, impressed by .the 
truth of these teachings of Washington, has op- 
posed the numerous amendments constantly being 
proposed that they are Democrats, believing that 
in this they adhere more strictly to the teachings 
of Washington than any other party. 



A 



CHAPTER II. 

THE PRINCIPLES OF JEFFERSON. 

LTHOUGH in his time not called "a* 
Democrat," yet the leader of what was 
then known as the Republican party, con- 
tending against the Federal or strong govern- 
ment party, Thomas Jefferson was perhaps one 
of the best expounders of those principles now 
held by the Democratic party among all of those 
Revolutionary sages. 

In his writings and official messages as Presi- 
dent we find the most frequent allusions to and 
rigid application of them in the administration of 
public affairs, so that he has been called " the 
father of the Democratic party." It was pecu- 



DEMOCRA TIC PRINCIPLES. 5 I 3 

liarly appropriate that he should do so, because, 
though early in the history of our Government 
yet, anti-democratic principles were already slowly 
creeping into the administration of public affairs 
under the Administration of the elder Adams, so 
that it required vigorous opposition and deter- 
mined application to bring the Government back 
once more to be administered in accordance with 
those pure principles of a representative demo- 
cratic government. 

In his inaugural address, delivered to Congress 
on March 4th, 1801, the commencement as well 
of a new century as of a new era in our govern- 
ment, President Jefferson announced the follow- 
ing fundamental doctrines of democracy, which, 
he said, he deemed essential principles of our 
Government, which should guide him in its admin- 
istration. He compressed them within the smallest 
possible compass, stating only the general prin- 
ciples, but not all their limitations : — 

First. Equal and exact justice to all men of what- 
ever State or persuasion, religious or political. 

Second. Peace, commerce, and honest friend- 
ship with all nations ; entangling alliance with 
none. 

Third. The support of the State govern- 
ments in all their rights as the most competent 
administrators of our domestic concerns and the 
surest bulwarks against anti-republican tenden- 
cies. 



5 1 4 DEMOCRA TIC PRINCIPLES. 

Fourth. The preservation of the General Gov- 
ernment in its whole constitutional vigor as the 
sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety 
abroad. 

Fifth. A jealous care of the right of election 
by the people, a mild and safe corrective of 
abuses, which are lopped by the sword of revolu- 
tion where peaceable means are unprovided. 

Sixth. Absolute acquiescence in the decisions 
of the majority, the vital principles of republics, 
from which is no appeal but to force, the vital 
principle and immediate parent of despotism. 

Seventh. A well-disciplined militia, our best 
reliance in peace, and for the first moments of 
war, till regulars may relieve them. 

Eighth* The supremacy of the civil over the 
military authority. 

Ninth. Economy in the public expenses, that 
labor may be lightly burdened. 

Tenth. The honest payment of our debts and 
the sacred preservation of the public faith. 

Eleventh. Encouragement of agriculture and 
of commerce as its handmaid. 

Twelfth. The diffusion of information and 
arraignment of all abuses at the bar of public 
reason. 

Thirteenth. Freedom of religion. 

Fourteenth. Freedom of the press. 

Fifteenth. Freedom of the person under the 
protection of the habeas corpus. 






DEMOCRA TIC PRINCIPLES. 5 I 5 

Sixteenth. Trial by juries impartially selected. 

"These principles," said Jefferson, "form the 
bright constellation which has gone before us and 
guided our steps through the age of revolution 
and reformation. The wisdom of our sages and 
the blood of our heroes have been devoted to 
their attainment. They should be the creed of 
our political faith, the text of civic instruction, 
the touchstone by which to try the services of 
those we trust ; and should we wander from them 
in moments of error or alarm, let us hasten to 
retrace our steps and to regain the road which 
alone leads to peace, liberty and safety." 

It is because Democrats believe every one of 
those fundamental principles to be true that they 
are Democrats. 



CHAPTER III. 

THE PRINCIPLES OF MADISON. 

DEMOCRATS believe in a full, unequivocal 
and hearty support of the Constitution, in 
a strict construction of it, and in the spirit 
and the purpose for which it was formed, and in 
Madison, also, who took such a deep interest in 
its formation as to be called " the father of the 
Constitution," they have another exponent of 
sound Democratic principles. 



5 I 6. DEMOCRA TIC PRINCIPLES. 

He knew well the principles on which that Con- 
stitution was founded. He had studied the rise, 
progress, decay and fall of every free govern- 
ment which had gone before, and, profiting by the 
very misfortunes of other nations, he had secured 
in the adoption of our Constitution such principles 
as he fondly believed would prevent us as a people 
from falling into similar errors. Standing upon 
the threshold of his great office as President of 
the United States, succeeding Jefferson, he an- 
nounced the following as additional principles 
vital to the welfare of the American people in 
their intercourse with foreign nations. They were 
in part but the echoes which came from the lips 
of Washington and Jefferson, and became the 
policy of the Democratic party ever since. He 
announced them as follows : — 

First. To cherish peace and friendly intercourse 
with all nations having a corresponding disposi- 
tion. 

Second. To maintain sincere neutrality toward 
belligerent nations. 

Third. To prefer in all cases amicable discus- 
sions and reasonable accommodation of differences 
to a decision of them by an appeal to arms. 

Fourth. To exclude foreign intrigues and for- 
eign partialities, so degrading to all countries and 
so baneful to free ones. 

Fifth. To foster a spirit of independence, too 
just to invade the rights of others, too proud to 



DEMOCRA TIC PRINCIPLES. 5 I 7 

surrender our own, too liberal to indulge unworthy 
prejudices ourselves, and too elevated not to look 
down upon them in others. 

Sixth. To hold the Union of the States as the 
basis of their peace and happiness. 

Seventh. To support the Constitution, which is 
the cement of the Union, as well in its limitations 
as in its authorities. 

Eighth. To respect the rights and authorities 
reserved to the States and the people as equally 
incorporated with and essential to the success of 
the general system. 

Ninth. To avoid the slightest interferences with 
the riofhts of conscience or the functions of reli- 
gion, so wisely exempted from civil jurisdiction. 

Tenth. To preserve in their full energy the 
salutary provisions in behalf of private and per- 
sonal rights and the freedom of the press. 

Eleventh. To observe economy in public ex- 
penditures. 

Twelfth. To liberate public resources by an 
honorable discharge of the public debts. 

Thirteenth. To keep within the requisite limits 
a standing military force, always remembering 
that an armed and trained militia is the firmest 
bulwark of republics. 

.Fourteenth. That without standing armies, their 
liberties can never be in danger, nor with large 
ones, safe. 

Fifteenth. To promote, by authorized means, 



^ X S DEMOCRA TIC PRINCIPLES. 

improvements friendly to agriculture, to commerce, 
to manufactures, and to external as well as inter- 
nal commerce. 

Sixteenth. To favor, in like manner, the ad- 
vancement of science and diffusion of information 
as the best aliment of true liberty. 

Seventeenth. To carry on benevolent plans for 
the conversion of our aboriginal neighbors from 
the degradation and wretchedness of savage life to 
a participation of the improvements of which the 
human mind and manners are susceptible in a 
civilized state. 

In one of his messages he also laid down the 
principle that a well-instructed people alone can 
be permanently free, all of which Democrats de- 
voutly believe. 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE PRINCIPLES OF JACKSON. 

IN the principles of Andrew Jackson the De- 
mocracy take great pride. From his inaugu- 
ral address, on March 4th, a. d. 1829, to the 
close of his Administration of eight years, in every 
message to Congress he uttered Democratic sen- 
timents in a terse, vigorous style, which, on ac- 
count of their self-evident truth, deeply rooted 
themselves in American hearts and became the 



DEMOCRA TIC PRINCIPLES. 



5^9 



principles of the Democratic party, which during 
his Administration first took that name and which 
it has held ever since. They are found scattered 
all through his messages, and were his guide in 
deciding all questions of national policy, so many 
of which pressed themselves upon him during his 
term of office. From these the following may be 
selected and placed in order, which should be 
thoroughly studied and applied to all questions 
which may even now arise. 

First. He said: "Regard should be had for the 
rights of the several States, taking care not to 
confound the powers reserved to them with those 
they had in the Constitution granted to the Gen- 
eral Government. 

Second. In every aspect of the case advantage 
must result from strict and faithful economy in the 
administration of public affairs. 

Third. He declared the unnecessary duration 
of the public debt incompatible with real inde- 
pendence. 

Fourth. In the adjustment of a tariff for reve- 
nue, he insisted that a spirit of equity, caution 'and 
compromise requires the great interests of agri- 
culture, manufactures and commerce to be equally 
favored. 

Fifth. He admitted the policy of internal im- 
provements to be wise only in so far as they could 
be promoted by constitutional acts of the General 
Government. 



520 DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES. 

Sixth. He declared standing armies to be dan- 
gerous to free government, and that the military 
should be in strict subordination to the civil power. 

Seventh. He declared the national militia to be 
the bulwark of our national defense. In enforcing 
this principle, he declared that so long as the 
Government was administered for the good of the 
people and regulated by their will ; so long as it 
secured to the people the rights of person and of 
property, liberty of conscience and of the press, 
the Government would be worth defending, and 
so long as it was worth defending the patriotic 
militia would cover it with an impenetrable cegis. 

Eighth. He pledged himself to the work of 
reform in the Administration, so that the patronage 
of the General Government, which had been 
brought into conflict with the freedom of elections 
and had disturbed the rightful course of appoint- 
ments by continuing in power unfaithful and in- 
competent public servants, should no longer be 
used for that purpose. 

Ninth. He declared his belief in the principle 
that the integrity and zeal of public officers would 
advance the interests of the public service more 
than mere numbers. 

Te?ith. He declared the right of the people to 
elect a President, and that it was never designed 
that their choice should in any case be defeated 
by the intervention of agents, enforcing this 
principle by saying, what experience had amply 



DEM OCR A TIC PRINCIPLES. 5 2 I 

proved, that in proportion as agents were multi- 
plied to execute the will of the people, there was 
the danger increased that their wishes would 
be frustrated. Some may be unfaithful — all liable 
to err. So far, then, as the people were con- 
cerned, it was better for them to express their own 
will. 

Eleventh. The majority should govern. No 
President elected by a minority could so success- 
fully discharge his duties as he who knew he was 
supported by the majority of the people. 

Twelfth. He advocated rotation in office. Cor- 
ruption, he said, would spring up among those in 
power, and, therefore, he thought appointments 
should not be made for a longer period than four 
years. Everybody had equal right to office, and 
he favored removals as a leading principle which 
would give healthful action to the political system. 

Thirteenth. He advocated unfettered com- 
merce, free from restrictive tariff laws, leaving it 
to flow into those natural channels in which indi- 
vidual enterprise, always the surest and safest 
guide, might direct it. 

Fourteenth. He opposed specific tariffs, be- 
cause subject to frequent changes, generally pro- 
duced by selfish motives, and under such influ- 
ences could never be just and equal. 

Fifteenth. The proper fostering of manufac- 
tures and commerce tended to increase the value 
of agricultural products. 



52 2 DEMOCRA TIC PRINCIPL ES. 

Sixteenth. In cases of real doubt as to matters 
of mere public policy he advocated a direct ap- 
peal to the people, the source of all power, as the 
most sacred of all obligations and the wisest and 
most safe course to pursue. 

Seventeenth. He advocated a just and equita- 
ble bankrupt law as beneficial to the country at 
large, because after the means to discharge debts 
had entirely been exhausted, not to discharge 
them only served to dispirit the debtor, sink him 
into a state of apathy, make him a useless drone 
in society, or a vicious member of it, if not a feel- 
ing witness of the rigor and inhumanity of his 
country. Oppressive debt being the bane of en- 
terprise, it should be the care of the Republic not 
to exert a grinding power over mis#Drtune and 
poverty. 

Eighteenth. He declared in favor of the prin- 
ciple that no money should be expended until first 
appropriated for the purpose by the Legislature. 
The people paid the taxes, and their direct repre- 
sentatives should alone have the right to say what 
they should be taxed for, in what sums, and how 
and when it should be paid. 

Nineteenth. He utterly opposed the system of 
Government aiding private corporations in mak- 
ing internal improvements. It was deceptive and 
conducive of improvidence in the expenditure of 
public moneys. For this purpose appropriations 
could be obtained with greater facilities, granted 



DEM OCR A TIC PRINCIPLES. 523 

with inadequate security, and frequently compli- 
cated the administration of Government. 

Twentieth. The operations of the General Gov- 
ernment should be strictly confined to the few 
simple but important objects for which it was origi- 
nally designed. 

Twenty first. He favored the veto power in the 
Executive, but only to be exercised in cases of at- 
tempted violation of the Constitution, or in cases 
next to it in importance. 

Twenty-second, He advocated State rights as 
far as consistent with the rightful action of the 
General Government as the very best means of 
preserving harmony between them ; and pro- 
nounced this the true faith, and the one to which 
might be mainly attributed the success of the en- 
tire system, and to which alone we must look for 
stability in it. 

Twenty-third. He advocated "a uniform and 
sound currency," but doubted the constitutionality 
and expediency of a National Bank ; and after- 
ward made his Administration famous by suc- 
cessfully opposing the renewal of its charter. 

Twenty-fourth. Precious metals as the only cur- 
rency known to the Constitution. Their peculiar 
properties rendered them the standard of values 
in other countries, and had been adopted in this. 
The experience of the evils of paper money had 
made it so obnoxious in the past that the framers 
of the Constitution had forbidden its adoption as 
the legal-tender currency of the country. 



524 DEMO CRA TIC rRINCIPL ES. 

Variableness must ever be the characteristic of 
a currency not based upon those metals. Expan- 
sion and contraction, without regard to principles 
which reo-ulate the value of those metals as a 
standard in the general trade of the world, were, 
he said, extremely pernicious. 

Where these properties are not infused into the 
circulation, and do not control it, prices must vary 
according to the tide of the issue ; the value and 
stability of property exposed, uncertainty attend 
the administration of institutions constantly liable 
to temptations of an interest distinct from that of 
the community at large, all this attended by loss 
to the laboring class, who have neither time nor 
opportunity to watch the ebb and flow of the 
money market. 

Twenty-fifth. He renews his advocacy of a 
cheerful compliance with the will of the majority ; 
and the exercise of the power as expressed in a 
spirit of moderation, justice and brotherly kind- 
ness as the best means to cement and forever pre- 
serve the Union. Those, he closes, who advocate 
sentiments adverse to those expressed, however 
honest, are, in effect, the worst enemies of their 
country. 



CHAPTER V. 

THE PRINCIPLES OF TILDEN. 

THE fundamental principles of liberty 
adapted to a republican form of govern- 
ment were thus laid down by Washington, 
Jefferson, Madison, and Jackson, and carried out 
by a long line of public men in legislation and 
the concerns of orovernment. Amon^ the men 
who did much to preserve and maintain these 
principles of popular government, in which the 
relations of the General Government to the States 
and the relation of both to the people were pre- 
served in true adjustment, was Samuel J. Tilden, 
elected President in 1876 by the people and by 
a majority of the honestly chosen electors, and 
defrauded of the office as the successful result of 
a dastardly conspiracy. 

Mr. Tilden began to take an active part in the 
discussion of serious political questions as early 
as 1833, when the question of the right of a State 
to nullify the laws of the United States was the 
dominant one. He had early been brought into 
close personal and political association with Mar- 
tin Van Buren, Silas Wright, and other leaders of 
the Democratic party in the State of New York, 
and by their advice contributed to the discussion 
of the issues then uppermost in the public mind. 

525 



cp5 LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 

From that time, when he contributed to the local 
newspapers of his native county, until his death 
in 1886, his letters, speeches, and legal arguments 
form a body of constitutional interpretation which, 
in both quantity and value, are of the highest im- 
portance to the student of political history. It is 
difficult to make any selection from all this body 
of Tilden's writings which will fairly represent 
him, but the following extracts give a fair idea of 
his devotion to his country and to Democratic 
principles : 

" It is no part of the duty of the State to coerce 
the individual man, except so far as his conduct 
may affect others, not remotely and consequen- 
tially, but by violating rights which legislation can 
recognize and undertake to protect." 



" The reason why self-government is better 
than government by any one man, or by a foreign 
people, is that the policy evolved by this process 
is generally better adapted to the actual condition 
of the society on which it is to operate." 

" Every business, every industrial interest, is 
paralyzed under excessive taxation, false systems 
of finance, extravagant cost of production, 
diminished ability to consume." 



" These taxes, when laid on imports in the man- 
ner in which they were laid in the Congressional 



THE PRINCIPLES OF TILDEN. 527 

carnival of manufacturers which framed our 
present tariff, cause a misapplication of industry 
that charges on the consumer what neither the 
Government is able to collect as taxes, nor the 
manufacturer to appropriate as profits. They 
lessen the productive power of human labor as if 
God had cursed it withungenial climate or sterile 
soil." 



" There is no royal road for a government more 
than for an individual or a corporation. What 
you want to do is to cut down your expenses and 
live within your income. I would give all the 
legerdemain of finance and financiering — I would 
give the whole of it — for the old homely maxim, 
'Live within your income.' " 



" Disunion and centralization are equally fatal 



to or>od crovernment." 



" When the two ideas of personal gain and the 
bestowal of office are allowed to be in our mind 
at the same time they will become associated, and 
it is but a step to the sale of the greatest trusts. 
Intellect, training, and virtue will soon succumb to 
wealth. Vulvar millionaires will orasp the highest 
seats of honor and power as they would put a 
new emblazonment on their carriages or a gaudy 
livery on their servants." 



5?S 



LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 



" Principles are the test of political character. 
The Democracy always made fidelity to official 
trust and justice to the toiling masses who earn 
their bread by the sweat of their brow a funda- 
mental article in their party creed." 



" I myself never lost courage, never lost my 
belief that the element of human society which 
seeks for what is good is more powerful, if we 
will, trust it, than all those selfish combinations 
that would obtain unjust advantage over the 
masses of the people." 



" Whoever obstructs the means of payment ob- 
structs also the facilities of sale. We must relax 
our barbarous revenue system so as not to retard 
the natural processes of trade. We must no 
longer legislate against the wants of humanity 
and the beneficence of God." 



" The pecuniary sacrifices of the people are not 
to be measured by the receipts into the Treasury. 
They are vastly greater. A tax that starts in its 
career by disturbing the productive power of la- 
bor, and then comes to the consumer distended 
by profits of successive intermediaries and by in- 
surance against the risks of a fickle or uncertain 
governmental policy and of a fluctuating govern- 
mental standard of value, blights human well-being 
at every step. When it reaches the hapless child 



THE PRINCIFLES OF TILDE N. 523 

of toil who buys his bread by the single oaf and 
his fuel by the basket, it devours his earnings and 
inflicts starvation." 



" The Constitution of the United States is by 
its own terms declared to be" perpetual. The 
government created by it acts, within the sphere 
of its powers, directly upon each individual citizen. 
No State is authorized, in any contingency, to 
suspend or obstruct that action, or to exempt any 
citizen from the obligation to obedience. Any 
pretended act of nullification or secession where- 
by such effect is attempted to be produced is ab- 
solutely void." 

" * * Our wise ancestors warned us against 
standing armies and all those false systems of 
government which require standing armies. They 
formed the Union of the States that we might be 
free from the jealousies of coterminous countries, 
which has been the usual pretext of tyrants for 
maintaining costly military establishments. They 
founded that Union on the principles of local 
self-government, to be everywhere carried on by 
the voluntary co-operation of the governed. They 
did not intend that one part of our country should 
govern another part." 



« * * The destruction of all local self-govern- 
ment in a country so extensive as ours, and em- 



530 



LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 



bracing such elements of diversity in habits, man- 
ners, opinions, and interests, and the exercise by 
a single centralized authority of all the powers of 
society over so vast a region and over such pop- 
ulation would entail upon us an indefinite series 
of civic commotions, and repeat here the worst 
crimes and worst calamities of history." 



" Our wise ancestors warned us that this grand 
experiment in self-government would turn on the 
intelligence and virtue of the people, and that 
our efforts to cultivate and elevate must be com- 
mensurate with our diffusion of political rights 
and political powers. It is a great. partnership in 
self-government. Every man yields a share in 
the government of himself to every other man, 
and acquires a share in the government over that 
other man.'* 

" The immigrants who have contributed so much 
t) swell the population of our Northern States 
spring from the same parent stocks with ourselves. 
They come to rejoin their kindred. Races have 
a growth and culture as well as individuals. What 
a race has been many centuries in accumulating 
is often appropriated and developed in an indi- 
vidual life, in the ascent from the humblest origin 
to the highest attainments of the species. Our 
accessions are drawn from races which have lived 
under essentially the same climatic influences 



THE PRINCIPLES OF TIED EN. 5 ji 

with ourselves, which have attained the highest 
civilization and made the largest progress in the 
arts and industries of mankind. They are at- 
tracted here by their aspirations for civil liberty, 
or for the improvement of their personal condi- 
tion ; and every aspiration ennobles. 1 hey are 
well represented in all our occupations which call 
for intellect and culture, and even the portion 
which come to fill the ranks of raw labor, made 
vacant by the ascent to more skilled and more 
remunerative employments, which our universal 
education opens to all, show a capacity quickly to 
follow in the noble competition for improvement." 



" There is no instrumentality in human society 
so potential in its influence upon mankind, for 
good or evil, as the governmental machinery for 
administering justice and for making and execu- 
ting laws. Not all the eleemosynary institutions 
of private benevolence to which philanthropists 
may devote their lives, are so fruitful in benefits 
as the rescue and preservation of this machinery 
from the perversions that make it the instrument 
of conspiracy, fraud, and crime against the most 
sacred rights and interests of the people." 



" Every power is a trust and involves a duty." 



" All history shows that reform in Government 
must not be expected from those who sit serenely 



532 



LIFE OF G ROVER CLEVELAND. 



on the social mountain tops, enjoying the benefits 
of the existing order of things. Even the Divine 

o o 

Author of our religion found His followers, not 
among the self-complacent Pharisees, but among 
lowly minded fishermen." 



" The Republican party is largely made up of 
those who live by their wits, and who aspire in 
politics to advantages over the rest of mankind 
similar to those which their daily lives are devoted 
to securing in private business. 

" The Democratic party consists largely of those 
who live by the work of their hands, and whose 
political action is governed by their sentiments or 



imagination. 



"It results thatthe Democratic party, more read- 
ily than the Republican party, can be molded to 
the support of reform measures which involve a 
sacrifice of selfish interests," 




CHAPTER VI. 

THE PRINCIPLES OF TARIFF REFORM. 

FOLLOWING is the famous message of 
1 December, 1887, sent by President Cleve- 
land to the first session of the Fiftieth Con- 
gress : — 

To the Congress of the United States: — . 

You are confronted at the threshold of your 
legislative duties with a condition of the national 
finances which imperatively demands immediate 
and careful consideration. 

The amount of money annually exacted, through 
the operation of present laws, from the industries 
and necessities of the people, largely exceeds the 
sum necessary to meet the expenses of the Gov- 
ernment. 

When we consider that the theory of our insti- 
tutions guarantees to every citizen the full enjoy- 
ment of all the fruits of his industry and enter- 
prise, with only such deduction as may be his 
share toward the careful and economical main- 
tenance of the Government which protects him, it 
is plain that the exaction of more than this is in- 
defensible extortion, and a culpable betrayal of 
American fairness and justice. This wrong in- 
flicted upon those who bear the burden of national 

533 



534 DEMOCRA TIC PRINCIPLES. 

taxation, like other wrongs, multiplies a brood of 
evil consequences. The public treasury, which 
should only exist as a conduit conveying the 
people's tribute to its legitimate objects of expend- 
iture, becomes a hoarding-place for money need- 
lessly withdrawn from trade and the people's use, 
thus crippling our national energies, suspending 
our country's development, preventing investment 
in productive enterprise, threatening financial dis- 
turbance, and inviting schemes of public plunder. 

This condition of our treasury is not altogether 
new ; and it has more than once of late been sub- 
mitted to the people's representatives in the Con- 
gress, who alone can apply a remedy. And yet 
the situation still continues, with aggravated inci- 
dents, more than ever presaging financial convul- 
sion and widespread disaster. 

It will not do to neglect this situation because 
its dangers are not now palpably imminent and 
apparent. They exist none the less certainly, and 
await the unforeseen and unexpected occasion 
when suddenly they will be precipitated upon us. 

On the 30th day of June, 1885, tne excess of 
revenues over public expenditures after comply- 
ing with the annual requirement of the sinking- 
fund act, was $17,859,735.84; during the year 
ended June 30th, 1886, such excess amounted to 
$49,405, 545. 20 ; and during the year ended June 
30th, 1887, it reached the sum of $55,567,849.54. 

The annual contributions to the sinking fund 




THE PRESIDENT S ROOM IN THE CAPITOL 



DEMO CRA TIC PR INC IP L ES. $2>7 

during the three years above specified, amounting 
in the aggregate to $ 138,058,320.94, and deducted 
from the surplus as stated, were made by calling 
in for that purpose outstanding three per cent, 
bonds of the Government. During the six months 
prior to June 30th, 1887, the surplus revenue had 
grown so large by repeated accumulations, and it 
was feared the withdrawal of this great sum of 
money needed by the people, would so affect the 
business of the country, that the sum of $79,864,- 
100 of such surplus was applied to the payment 
of the principal and interest of the three per cent, 
bonds still outstanding, and which were then pay- 
able at the option of the Government. The pre- 
carious condition of financial affairs among the 
people still needing relief, immediately after the 
30th day of June, 1887, tne remainder of the three 
per cent, bonds then outstanding, amounting with 
principal and interest to the sum of $18,877,500, 
were called in and applied to the sinking-fund con- 
tribution for the current fiscal year. Notwith- 
standing these operations of the Treasury De- 
partment, representations of distress in business 
circles not only continued but increased, and 
absolute peril seemed at hand. In these circum- 
stances the contribution to the sinking fund for 
the current fiscal year was at once completed by 
the expenditure of $27,684,283.55 in the purchase 
of Government bonds not yet due bearing four 
and four and a half per cent, interest, the pre- 



e 3 3 DEMOCRA TIC PRINCIPLES. 

mium paid thereon averaging about twenty-four 
per cent, for the former and eight per cent, for 
the latter. In addition to this the interest accru- 
ing during the current year upon the outstanding 
bonded indebtedness of the Government was to 
some extent anticipated, and banks selected as 
depositories of public money were permitted to 
somewhat increase their deposits. 

While the expedients thus employed to release 
to the people the money lying idle in the Treasury 
served to avert immediate danger, our surplus 
revenues have continued to accumulate, the excess 
for the present year amounting on the first day of 
December to $55,258,701.19, and estimated to 
reach the sum of $1 1 3,000,000 on the 30th of June 
next, at which date it is expected that this sum, 
added to prior accumulations, will swell the sur- 
plus in the Treasury to $140,000,000. 

There seems to be no assurance that, with such 
a withdrawal from use of the people's circula- 
ting medium, our business community may not in 
the near future be subjected to the same distress 
which was quite lately produced from the same 
cause. And while the functions of our National 
Treasury should be few and simple, and while its 
best condition would be reached, I believe, by .its 
entire disconnection with private business inter- 
ests, yet when, by a perversion of its purposes, it 
idly holds money uselessly subtracted from the 
channels of trade, there seems to be reason for the 






DEMOCRA TIC PRINCIPLES. 539 

claim that some legitimate means should be de- 
vised by the Government to restore in an emer- 
gency, without waste or extravagance, such money 
to its place among the people. 

If such an emergency arises there now exists 
no clear and undoubted executive power of relief. 
Heretofore the redemption of three per cent, bonds, 
which were payable at the option of the Govern- 
ment, has afforded a means for the disbursement 
of the excess of our revenues ; but these bonds 
have all been retired, and there are no bonds out- 
standing the payment of which we have the right to 
insist upon. The contribution to the sinking fund 
which furnishes the occasion for expenditure in 
the purchase of bonds has been already made for 
the current year, so that there is no outlet in that 
direction. 

In the present state of legislation the only pre- 
tense of any existing executive power to restore, 
at this time, any part of our surplus revenues to 
the people by its expenditure, consists in the suppo- 
sition that the Secretary of the Treasury may enter 
the market and purchase the bonds of the Govern- 
ment not yet due, at a rate of premium to be 
agreed upon. The only provision of law from 
which such a power could be derived is found in 
an appropriation bill passed a number of years 
ago ; and it is subject to the suspicion that it was 
intended as temporary and limited in its applica- 
tion, instead of conferring a continuing discretion 



540 



DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES. 



and authority. No condition ought to exist which 
would justify the grant of power to a single offi- 
cial, upon his judgment of its necessity, to withhold 
from or release to the business of the people, in an 
unusual manner, money held in the Treasury, and 
thus affect, at his will, the financial situation of the 
country ; and if it is deemed wise to lodge in the 
Secretary of the Treasury the authority in the 
present juncture to purchase bonds, it should be 
plainly vested, and provided, as far as possible, 
with such checks and limitations as will define this 
official's right and discretion, and at the same 
time relieve him from undue responsibility. 

In considering the question of purchasing bonds 
as a means of restoring to circulation the surplus 
money accumulating in the Treasury, it should be 
borne in mind that premiums must of course be 
paid upon such purchase, that there may be a 
large part of these bonds held as investments 
which cannot be purchased at any price, and that 
combinations among holders who are willing to 
sell, may unreasonably enhance the cost of such 
bonds to the Government. 

It has been suggested that the present bonded 
debt miorht be refunded at a less rate of interest, 
and the difference between the old and new se- 
curity paid in cash, thus finding use for the surplus 
in the Treasury. The success of this plan, it is 
apparent, must depend upon the volition of the 
holders of the present bonds; and it is not entirely 



DEM OCR A TIC PRINCIPLES. 5 4 \ 

certain that the inducement which must be offered 
them would result in more financial benefit to the 
Government than the purchase of bonds, while the 
latter proposition would reduce the principal of the 
debt by actual payment, instead of extending it. 

The proposition to deposit the money held by 
the Government in banks throughout the country, 
for use by the people, is, it seems to me, exceed- 
ingly objectionable in principle, as establishing too 
close a relationship between the operations of the 
Government Treasury and the business of the 
country, and too extensive a commingling of their 
money, thus fostering an unnatural reliance in 
private business upon public funds. If this scheme 
should be adopted, it should only be done as a 
temporary expedient to meet an urgent neces- 
sity. Legislative and executive effort should gen- 
erally be in the opposite direction, and should have 
a tendency to divorce, as much and as fast as can 
safely be done, the Treasury Department from 
private enterprise. 

Of course it is not expected that unnecessary 
and extravagant appropriations will be made for 
the purpose of avoiding the accumulation of an 
excess of revenue. Such expenditure, beside the 
demoralization of all just conceptions of public 
duty which it entails, stimulates a habit of reckless 
improvidence not in the least consistent with the 
mission of our people or the high and beneficent 
purposes of our Government. 



5 4 2 DEMOCRA TIC PRINCIPLES. 

I have deemed it my duty to thus bring to the 
knowledge of my countrymen, as well as to the 
attention of their representatives charged with the 
responsibility of legislative relief, the gravity of 
our financial situation. The failure of the Coneress 
heretofore to provide against the dangers which 
it was quite evident the very nature of the diffi- 
culty must necessarily produce, caused a condition 
of financial distress and apprehension since your 
last adjournment, which taxed to the utmost all 
the authority and expedients within executive 
control ; and these appear now to be exhausted. 
If disaster results from the continued inaction of 
Congress, the responsibility must rest where it 
belongs. 

Though the situation thus far considered is 
fraught with danger which should be fully realized, 
and though it presents features of wrong to the 
people as well as peril to the country, it is but a 
result growing out of a perfectly palpable and 
apparent cause, constantly reproducing the same 
alarming circumstances — a congested national 
treasury and a depleted monetary condition in the 
business of the country. It need hardly be stated 
that while the present situation demands a remedy, 
we can only be saved from a like predicament in 
the future by the removal of its cause. 

Our scheme of taxation, by means of which 
this needless surplus is taken from the people and 
put into the public treasury, consists of a tariff or 



DEMOCRA TIC PRIXCIPLES. 543 

duty levied upon importations from abroad, and 
internal revenue taxes levied upon the consump- 
tion of tobacco and spirituous and malt liquors. 
It must be conceded that none of the things sub- 
jected to internal revenue taxation are, strictly 
speaking, necessaries ; there appears to be no just 
complaint of this taxation by the consumers of 
these articles, and there seems to be nothing so 
well able to bear the burden without hardship to 
any portion of the people. 

But our present tariff laws, the vicious, inequi- 
table and illogical source of unnecessary taxation, 
ought to be at once revised and amended. These 
laws, as their primary and plain effect, raise the 
price to consumers of all articles imported and 
subject to duty, by precisely the sum paid for such 
duties. Thus the amount of the duty measures the 
tax paid by those who purchase for use these im- 
ported articles. Many of these things, however, 
are raised or manufactured in our own country, 
and the duties now levied upon foreign goods and 
products are called protection to these home 
manufactures, because they render it possible for 
those of our people who are manufacturers, to 
make these taxed articles and sell them for a price 
equal to that demanded for the imported goods 
that have paid customs duty. So it happens that 
while comparatively a few use the imported articles, 
millions of our people, who never use and never 
saw any of the foreign products, purchase and use 



5 44 DEMOCRA TIC PRINCIPLES. 

things of the same kind made in this country, and 
pay therefor nearly or quite the same enhanced 
price which the duty adds to the imported articles. 
Those who buy imports pay the duty charged there- 
on into the public treasury, but the great majority 
of our citizens, who buy domestic articles of the 
same class, pay a sum at least approximately equal 
to this duty to the home manufacturer. This ref- 
erence to the operation of our tariff laws is not 
made by way of instruction, but in order that we 
may be constantly reminded of the manner in 
which they impose a burden upon those who con- 
sume domestic products as well as those who con- 
sume imported articles, and thus create a tax upon 
all our people. 

It is not proposed to entirely relieve the country 
of this taxation. It must be extensively continued 
as the source of the Government's income ; and 
in a readjustment of our tariff the interests of 
American labor entered in manufacture should 
be carefully considered, as well as the preservation 
of our manufacturers. It may be called protection, 
or by any other name, but relief from the hard- 
ships and dangers of our present tariff laws should 
be devised with especial precaution against imperil- 
ing the existence of our manufacturing interests. 
But this existence should not mean a condition 
which, without regard to the public welfare or a 
national exigency, must always insure the realiza- 
tion of immense profits instead of moderately 



DEMOCRA TIC PRINCIPLES. 5 4 5 

profitable returns. As the volume and diversity 
of our national activities increase, new recruits are 
added to those who desire a continuation of the 
advantages which they conceive the present system 
of tariff taxation directly affords them. So stub- 
bornly have all efforts to reform the present con- 
dition been resisted by those of our fellow-citizens 
thus engaged, that they can hardly complain of the 
suspicion, entertained to a certain extent, that 
there exists an organized combination all along 
the line to maintain their advantage. 

We are in the midst of centennial celebrations, 
and with becoming pride we rejoice in American 
skill and ingenuity, in American energy and en- 
terprise, and in the wonderful natural advantages 
and resources developed by a century's national 
growth. Yet when an attempt is made to justify a 
scheme which permits a tax to be laid upon every 
consumer in the land for the benefit of our manu- 
facturers, quite beyond a reasonable demand for 
governmental regard, it suits the purposes of ad- 
vocacy to call our manufactures infant industries, 
still needing the highest and greatest degree of 
favor and fostering care that can be wrung from 
Federal legislation. 

It is also said that the increase in the price of 
domestic manufactures resulting from the present 
tariff is necessary in order that higher wages may 
be paid to our workingmen employed in manufac- 
tories, than are paid for what is called the pauper 



546 DEMOCRA TIC PRINCIPL ES. 

labor of Europe. All will acknowledge the force 
of an argument which involves the welfare and 
liberal compensation of our laboring people. Our 
labor is honorable in the eyes of every Ameri- 
can citizen ; and as it lies at the foundation of our 
development and progress, it is entitled, without 
affectation or hypocrisy, to the utmost regard. 
The standard of our laborers' life should not be 
measured by that of any other country less fa- 
vored, and they are entitled to their full share of 
all our advantages. 

By the last census it is made to appear that of 
the 17,392,099 of our population engaged in all 
kinds of industries 7,670,493 are employed in 
agriculture, 4,074,238 in professional and personal 
service (2,934,876 of whom are domestic servants 
and laborers), while 1,810,256 are employed in 
trade and transportation, and 2>^Z7^ 1 1 2 are classed 
as employed in manufacturing and mining. 

For present purposes, however, the last number 
given should be considerably reduced. Without 
attempting to enumerate all, it will be conceded 
that there should be deducted from those which it 
includes 375,143 carpenters and joiners, 285,401 
milliners, dressmakers and seamstresses, 172,726 
blacksmiths, 1 33, 756 tailors and tailoresses, 102,473 
masons, 76, 241 butchers, 4 1,309 bakers, 2 2,083 plas- 
terers, and 4891 engaged in manufacturing agri- 
cultural implements, amounting in the aggregate to 
1,214,023, leaving 2,623,089 persons employed in 



DEMOCRA TIC PRINCIPL FS. 547 

such manufacturing industries as are claimed to be 
benefited by a high tariff. 

To these the appeal is made to save their em- 
ployment and maintain their wages by resisting- a 
change. There should be no disposition to answer 
such suggestions by the allegation that they are in 
a minority among those who labor, and therefore 
should forego an advantage, in the interest of low 
prices for the majority ; their compensation, as it 
may be affected by the operation of tariff laws, 
should at all times be scrupulously kept in view ; 
and yet with slight reflection they will not overlook 
the fact that they are consumers with the rest; 
that they, too, have their own wants and those of 
their families to supply from their earnings, and 
that the price of the necessaries of life, as well as 
the amount of their wages, will regulate the meas- 
ure of their welfare and comfort. 

But the reduction of taxation demanded should 
be so measured as not to necessitate or justify 
either the loss of employment by the working- 
man nor the lessening of his wages ; and the 
profits still remaining to the manufacturer, after a 
necessary readjustment, should furnish no excuse 
for the sacrifice of the interests of his employes 
either in their opportunity to work or in the dimi- 
nution of their compensation. Nor can the worker 
in manufactures fail to understand that while a 
high tariff is claimed to be necessary to allow the 



^8 D /: - ]/0 C RA TIC PRINCIPL ES. 

payment of remunerative wages, it certainly re- 
sults in a very large increase in the price of nearly 
all sorts of manufactures, which, in almost count- 
less forms, he needs for the use of himself and his 
family. He receives at the desk of his employer 
his wages, and perhaps before he reaches his 
home is obliged, in a purchase for family use of 
an article which embraces his own labor, to return 
in the payment of the increase in price which the 
tariff permits, the hard-earned compensation of 
many days of toil. 

The farmer and the agriculturist who manufac- 
ture nothing, but who pay the increasecfcprice which 
the tariff imposes, upon every agricultural imple- 
ment, upon all he wears and upon all he uses and 
owns, except the increase of his flocks and herds, 
and such things as his husbandry produces from 
the soil, is invited to aid in maintaining the pres- 
ent situation ; and he is told that a high duty on 
imported wool is necessary for the benefit of those 
who have sheep to shear, in order that the price 
of their wool may be increased. They of course 
are not reminded that the farmer who has no sheep 
is by this scheme obliged, in his purchases of cloth- 
ing and woolen goods, to pay a tribute to his 
fellow farmer as well as to the manufacturer and 
merchant ; nor is any mention made of the fact 
that the sheep owners themselves and their house- 
holds must wear clothing and use other articles 



DEMO CRA TIC PR INC I PL ES. 549 

manufactured from the wool they sell at tariff 
prices, and thus as consumers must return their 
share of this increased price to the tradesman. 

I think it may be fairly assumed that a large 
proportion of the sheep owned by the farmers 
throughout the country are found in small flocks 
nnmbering from twenty-five to fifty. The duty on 
the grade of imported wool which these sheep 
yield is ten cents each pound if of the value of 
thirty cents or less, and twelve cents if of the value 
of more than thirty cents. If the liberal estimate 
of six pounds be allowed for each fleece, the duty 
thereon would be sixty or seventy-two cents, and 
this may be taken as the utmost enhancement of 
its price to the farmer by reason of this duty. 
Eighteen dollars would thus represent the in- 
creased price of the wool from twenty-five sheep 
and thirty-six dollars that from the wool of fifty 
sheep ; and at present values this addition 
would amount to about one-third of its price. If 
upon its sale the farmer receives this or a less 
tariff profit, the wool leaves his hands charged 
with precisely that sum, which in all its changes 
will adhere to it, until it reaches the consumer. 
When manufactured into cloth and other goods 
and material for use, its cost is not only increased 
to the extent of the farmer's tariff profit, but a fur- 
ther sum has been added for the benefit of the 
manufacturer under the operation of other tariff 
laws. In the meantime the day arrives when the 



5 5 O DEMOCRA TIC PR I NCI PL £S. 

farmer finds it necessary to purchase woolen 
goods and material to clothe himself and family 
for the winter. When he faces the tradesman for 
that purpose he discovers that he is obliged not 
only to return in the way of increased prices his 
tariff profit on the wool he sold, and which then 
perhaps lies before him in manufactured form, but 
that he must add a considerable sum thereto to 
meet a further increase in cost caused by a tariff 
duty on the manufacture. Thus in the end he is 
aroused to the fact that he has paid upon a moder- 
ate purchase, as a result of the tariff scheme, which, 
when he sold his wool seemed so profitable, an 
increase in price more than sufficient to sweep 
away all the tariff profit he received upon the wool 
he produced and sold. 

When the number of farmers engaged in wool- 
raising is compared with all the farmers in the 
country, and the small proportion they bear to our 
population is considered ; when it is made appa- 
rent that, in the case of a large part of those who 
own sheep, the benefit of the present tariff on 
wool is illusory ; and, above all, when it must be 
conceded that the increase of the cost of living 
caused by such tariff becomes a burden upon those 
with moderate means and the poor, the employed 
and unemployed, the sick and well, and the young 
and old, and that it constitutes a tax which, with 
relentless grasp, is fastened upon the clothing of 
every man, woman and child in the land, reasons 



DEMOCRA TIC PRINCIPLES. 5 5 1 

are suggested why the removal or reduction of 
this duty should be included in a revision of our 
tariff laws. 

In speaking of the increased cost to the con- 
sumer of our home manufactures, resulting from 
a duty laid upon imported articles of the same 
description, the fact is not overlooked that com- 
petition among our domestic producers sometimes 
has the effect of keeping the price of their pro- 
ducts below the highest limit allowed by such duty. 
But it is notorious that this competition is too 
often strangled by combinations quite prevalent 
at this time, and frequently called trusts, which 
have for* their object the regulation of the supply 
and price of commodities made and sold by mem- 
bers of the combination. The people can hardly 
hope for any consideration in the operation of 
these selfish schemes. 

If, however, in the absence of such combination, 
a healthy and free competition reduces the price 
of any particular dutiable article of home produc- 
tion below the limit which it might otherwise reach 
under our tariff laws, and if, with such reduced 
price, its manufacture continues to thrive, it is 
entirely evident that one thing has been discovered 
which should be carefully scrutinized in an effort 
to reduce taxation. 

The necessity of combination to maintain the 
price of any commodity to the tariff point, fur- 
nishes proof that some one is willing to accept 



552 DEMOCRA TIC PRINCIPLES. 

lower prices for such commodity, and that such 
prices are remunerative; and lower prices pro- 
duced by competition prove the same thing. Thus 
where either of these conditions exist, a case would 
seem to be presented for an easy reduction of 
taxation. ■ 

The considerations which have been presented 
touching our tariff laws are intended only to en- 
force an earnest recommendation that the surplus 
revenues of the Government be prevented by the 
reduction of our customs duties, and, at the same 
time, to emphasize a suggestion that in accom- 
plishing this purpose, we may discharge a double 
duty to our people by granting to them a measure 
of relief from tariff taxation in quarters where it 
is most needed and from sources where it can 
be most fairly and justly accorded. 

Nor can the presentation made of such consid- 
erations be, with any degree of fairness, regarded 
as evidence of unfriendliness toward our manu- 
facturing interests, or of any lack of appreciation 
of their value and importance. 

These interests constitute a leading and most 
substantial element of our national greatness and 
furnish the proud proof of our country's progress. 
But if in the emergency that presses upon us our 
manufacturers are asked to surrender something 
for the public good and to avert disaster, their pa- 
triotism, as well as a grateful recognition of advan- 
tages already afforded, should lead them to willing 



DEMOCRA TIC PRINCIPLES. 553 

cooperation. No demand is made that they shall 
forego all the benefits of governmental regard ; 
but they cannot fail to be admonished of their 
duty, as well as their enlightened self-interest and 
safety, when they are reminded of the fact that 
financial panic and collapse, to which the present 
condition tends, afford no greater shelter or pro- 
tection to our manufactures than to our other im- 
portant enterprises. Opportunity for safe, care- 
ful and deliberate reform is now offered ; and none 
of us should be unmindful of a time when an 
abused and irritated people, heedless of those who 
have resisted timely and reasonable relief, may 
insist upon a radical and sweeping rectification of 
their wrongs. 

The difficulty attending a wise and fair revision 
of our tariff laws is not under-estimated. It will 
require on the part of the Congress great labor 
and care, and especially a broad and national con- 
templation of the subject, and a patriotic disregard 
of such local and selfish claims as are unreasonable 
and reckless of the welfare of the entire country. 

Under our present laws more than four thousand 
articles are subject to duty. Many of these do not 
in any way compete with our own manufactures, 
and many are hardly worth attention as subjects 
of revenue. A considerable reduction can be 
made in the aggregate, by adding them to the free 
list. The taxation of luxuries presents no features 
of hardship ; but the necessaries of life used and 



554 DEMOCRA TIC PRINCIPLES. 

consumed by all the people, the duty upon which 
adds to the cost of living in every home, should 
be greatly cheapened. 

The radical reduction of the duties imposed upon 
raw material used in manufactures, or its free im- 
portation, is of course an important factor in any 
effort to reduce the price of these necessaries ; it 
would not only relieve them from the increased 
cost caused by the tariff on such material, but the 
manufactured product being thus cheapened, that 
part of the tariff now laid upon such product, as 
a compensation to our manufacturers for the 
present price of raw material, could be accord- 
ingly modified. Such reduction, or free importa- 
tion, would serve, beside, to largely reduce the 
revenue. It is not apparent how such a change 
can have any injurious effect upon our manufac- 
turers. On the contrary, it would appear to give 
them a better chance in foreign markets with the 
manufacturers of other countries, who cheapen 
their wares by free material. Thus our people 
might have the opportunity of extending their 
sales beyond the limits of home consumption — 
saving them from the depression, interruption in 
business, and loss caused by a glutted domestic 
market, and affording their employes more certain 
and steady labor, with its resulting quiet and con- 
tentment. 

The question thus imperatively presented for 
solution should be approached in a spirit higher 



DEMO CKA TIC PRINCIPLES. 555 

than partisanship and considered in the light of 
that regard for patriotic duty which should char- 
acterize the action of those intrusted with the weal 
of a confiding people. But the obligation to 
declared party policy and principle is not wanting 
to urge prompt and effective action. Both of the 
great political parties now represented in the 
Government have, by repeated and authoritative 
declarations, condemned the condition of our laws 
which permit the collection from the people of 
unnecessary revenue, a^d have, in the most solemn 
manner, promised its correction ; and neither as 
citizens nor partisans are our countrymen in a 
mood to condone the deliberate violation of these 
pledges. 

Our progress toward a wise conclusion will not 
be improved by dwelling upon the theories of pro- 
tection and free trade. This savors too much of 
bandying epithets. It is a condition which con- 
fronts us — not a theory. Relief from this condi- 
tion mav involve a slight reduction of the advan- 
tages which we award our home productions, but 
the entire withdrawal of such advantages should 
not be contemplated. The question of free trade 
is absolutely irrelevant ; and the persistent claim 
made in certain quarters, that all efforts to relieve 
the people from unjust and unnecessary taxation 
are schemes of so-called free-traders, is mischiev- 
ous and far removed from any consideration for 
the public good. 



55<5 



DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES. 



The simple and plain duty which we owe die 
people is to reduce taxation to the necessary ex- 
penses of an economical operation of the Govern- 
ment, and to restore to the business of the country 
the money which we hold in the Treasury through 
the perversion of governmental powers. These 
things can and should be done with safety to all 
our industries, without danger to the opportunity 
for remunerative labor which our workingmen 
need, and with benefit to them and all our people, 
by cheapening their means of subsistence and 
increasing the measure of their comforts. 

The Constitution provides that the President 
11 shall, from time to time, give to the Congress 
information of the state of the Union." It has 
been the custom of the Executive, in compliance 
with this provision, to annually exhibit to the Con- 
gress, at the opening ot its session, the general 
condition of the country, and to detail, with some 
particularity, the operations of the different Ex- 
ecutive Departments. It would be especially agree- 
able to follow this course at the present time, and 
to call attention to the valuable accomplishments 
of these Departments during the last fiscal year. 
But I am so much impressed with the paramount 
importance of the subject to which this communi- 
cation has thus far been devoted, that I shall 
forego the addition of any other topic, and only 
urge upon your immediate consideration the 
" state of the Union' as shown in the present 






DEMOCRA TIC PR I NCI PL ES. 557 

condition of our treasury and our general fiscal 
situation, upon which every element of our safety 
and prosperity depends. 

The reports of the heads of Departments, which 
will be submitted, contain full and explicit infor- 
mation touching the transaction of the business 
intrusted to them, and such recommendations 
relating to legislation in the public interest as they 
deem advisable. I ask for these reports and 
recommendations the deliberate examination and 
action of the Legislative branch of the Govern- 
ment. 

There are other subjects not embraced in the 
departmental reports demanding legislative con- 
sideration and which I should be cdad to submit 
Some of them, however, have been earnestly pre- 
sented in previous messages, and as to them I 
beg leave to repeat prior recommendations. 

As the law makes no provision for any report 
from the Department of State, a brief history of 
the transactions of that important Department, 
together with other matters which it may here- 
after be deemed essential to commend to the 
attention of the Congress, may furnish the occa- 
sion for a future communication. 

GROVER CLEVELAND. 
Washington, 

December i6> 1S87. 



THE 



Citizen's Handbook 



Valuable Facts for Campaign Work. 



PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS. 



563 



TABT.ES OP PBESIDEWTIAL ELECTIONS. 



8TTMMARY OF POPULAB AND ELECTORAL VOTES FOR PEESL 
DENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, 1789- 
1876. 



1 



00 

03 

O 
J5 


6 

O 

W 

"3 



politicai. 
Partt. 


* Presidents. 


* Vice-Presidents. 



E ■ 


Candidates. 


Vote. 


Candidates. 


4> 


C 
*- O 
OS 


DO 

V 

83 

as 


Popular. 


C3 
I* 
O 

U 


> 




1789 +10 


73 

135 
138 

138 




George Washington 
John Adams 






69 








15 
16 

16 










34 






John Jay 










9 






R. H. Harrison 






a 






John Rutlcdge 

John Hancock 











a 










4 






George Clinton. . . 










3 






Samuel Huntingdon 
John Milton 










f 














? 






J.imes Armstrong.. 










1 






Benjamin Lincoln.. 










1 






Federalist. . 
Federalist. . 
Republican 


Edward Telfair. .. 










1 




Vacancies 






4 

1 

132 




4 


1792 


George Washington 
John Adams 


















77 














fifl 




Thomas Jefferson. . 










4 
















1 




Federalist. . 
Republican 
Fed«ralist..| 

Republican ; 


Vacancies 






3 
71 




3 


!79f> 


John Adams 












Thomas Jefferson. . 
Thomas Pinckney.. 








G3 




Aaron Burr 








30 














Pi 






Oliver Ellsworth .. 










11 






Geor r e Clinton 










7 






John Jay 




1... 




*> 




1 


James Iredell 




: 1::: 




3 




Georgo Washington 








? 












9 




S. Johnson 










9! 




Republican 
Republican j 
Federalist..! 
Federalist..! 


Charles C. Pinckney 
Thomas Jefferson.. 











1 


1800 






*73 
















f73 








rii 




Charles C. Pinckney 
John Jay 










04 












1 




1 


1 









1 





* Previous to the election of ISO! each elector voted for two candidates for President ; the 
one receiving the highest number of votes, If a majority, wai declared elected President; 
,. and the next highest Vice-President. 

t Three States out of ihirteen did not vote. viz. : New York, which had not passed an elec- 
toral law ; and North Carolina and Rhode Island, which had not adopted the Constitution. 

t There having been a tie vote, the choice devolved upon the House of Representatives, 
A choice was made on the 3tith ballot, which was as follows : Jefferson — Georgia, Kentucky. 
Maryland, New Jersev, New York, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, T£f»nessee, Vermont, and 
Vrginla — 10 States : Burr — Connecticut, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Riiudg laiaud 
~4 Swtes ; Blank— Delaware and Swuth Carolina— 2 States. 



5<H 



POPULAR AXD ELECTORAL VOTES. 



6 


to 
o 

rt 

02 

o 

d 


> 

o 

o 

3 

73 

o 


Political 
Party. 


Presidents. 


Vice-Pkesideni 


•s. 


R 


Candidates. 


Vote. 


Candidates. 




p 

«- c 

u 

ca 


u. 

o 

A3 


Popular. 


"3 

O 

o 
u 

W 


o 

■*» 
y 
u 


1804 


17 

1? 

18 
19 

24 

24 

24 
24 

26 


176 Republican 


Thomas Jefferson . . 
Charles C. linckney 

James Madison. .. 
Charles C. Pinckney 
George Clinton 


15 

2 

12 

5 




162 
14 

122 

47 

6 


George Clinton.. 
.Rufus King 

George Clinton. . 
Rufus King 
John Langdon.. 
James Madison. 
James Monroe. . 


169! 


1808 


17G 

218 
221 

235 

261 

261 
288 

294 


Federalist.. 

Republican 
Federalist.. 





14 

113 

47 

9 












3 














3 




Republican. 
Federalist. . 








1 

128 

69 

1 

183 
31 


1 


1812 


i James Madison 

De Witt Clinton.... 
V acancy 


11 
7 




Elbridge Gerry. . 
jjared Ingtrsoll. . 

iD. D. Tompkins-. 
John E. Howard 

James Ross 

i-lohn Marshall.. 
Robt. G. Harper. 

D. D. Tompkins. 
Rich. Stockton.. 
Dai. id Rodney. 
Robt. G. Harper 
Richard Rush. .. 

' John C. Calhoun 
Nathan Sanford. 

.Nathaniel Macon 
Andrew Jackson 
M. Van Buren.. 


131 






Sfi 






1 


1810 


Republican. 
Federalist. . 


James Monroe 

Rufus King 


16 
3 




181 






22 






"> 














4 








3 




Republican 
Opposition. 


Vacancies 






4 

231 
1 


4 


1820 


James Monroe 

John Q,. Adams 


24 





2:8 
8 










4 














1 














1 


1824 


Republican. 
Coalition. . 
Republican. 
Republican. 


Vacancies. ... 

Andrew Jackson. . . 

John Q,. Adams 

Win. H. Crawford.. 
Hchiy Clay 


10 

8 
3 
3 


155.872 

105,321 

44.282 

40.587 


3 

84 
41 
37 


3 

182 

30 

24 

13 

9 














2 




Democratic 
Nat. Repub. 

Democratic 
Nat. Repub. 


Vacancy 






178 
63 


1 


182g 


Andrew Jackson. . . 
John Q. Adams ... 


15 
9 


647,231 
509,09? 


John C. Calhoun 
Richard Rush. . 
William Smith. . 

M. Van Buren. .. 
John Sergeant... 

Henry Lee 

Amos E'lmaker. 

William Wilkins 



R. M. Jobnsont. 
Francis Granger. 
John Tyler 
William Smith.. 


171 

t3 

7 


1832 


! 

Andrew Jackson. . . 

•john Floyd I 

W 7 illiam Wirt.... J 


< 3 

T 

1 

1 


687,502 
530,189 

33,108 


219 

19 
11 

7 


189 

49 
11 




Anti-Mason 


7 
30 


1836 


Democratic. 

Whig 

Whig 

Whig 

Whig 


.Martin Van Buren. 
Wm. II. Harrison 1 
Hugh L. While.. 1 
Daniel Webster.. | 
W. P. Manguni... J 


15 

7 
2 

1 
1 


761,549 
736,656 


2 

170 
73 
26 
14 
11 


2 

147 
<7 
47 

23 






1 





• No choice having been made by the Electoral College, the choice devolved upon the 
House cf Representatives. A choice was made on the tirst ballot, which was as follows: 
Adams— Connecticut, Illinois, Kentucky, Louisiana. Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Mis- 
souri, New Hampshire, New York, Ohio. Rhode Island, and Vermont— 18 States: Jackson- 
Alabama, Indiana, Mississippi, New Jersey, Pennsylvania. South Carolina, and Tennesc.ie— 
7 States; Crawford— Delaware, Georgia, North Carolina, and Virginia — 4 States. 

t No candidate having received a majority of the votes of the Electoral College, the oen« 

ate elected It. M. Juhusuu Vice-President, who received 33 votes ; Francis Urituger received l& 



POPULAR AXD ELECTORAL VOTES. 



565 



a 
» - s 
0-5 



1840 26 



1844 26 



1843 30 



1832 



1850 



31 



31 



1860 33 



E3 



294 



275 



Political 
Party. 



Whig 

Democratic 
Liberty 



Democratic 

Whig 

Liberty 



290;|Whig 

Democratic 
Free Soil. .. 



296 



196 



m 



'Democratic 

Whig 

Free Dem. . 

iDemocrath 
Republican 
American . . 



Presidents. 



Vice-Presidents. 



Candidates. 



Wm. II. Harrison. . 
Martin Van Bnren. 
James G. Birney... 



Vote. 



3 
2 1 Popular. I 3 1 



Candidates. 



19 



James K. Polk 15 

Henry Clay H 

James G. Birney. .... 

Zachary Taylor 15 

Lewis Cass 15 

Martin Van Buren. . { . . 

Franklin Pierce 27 

Wiiiiield Scott I 4 

John P. Haie 



1,275,017 234! John Tyler. 
1,128,702 
7,059 



60 R. Al. Johnson.. 



L. W. Tazewell. 
James K. Polk.. 



1,337,2431170 Geo. M. Dallas.. 

1,299.068 105liT. Frelinghuysen 

62,300 ... 



234 

43 

ii 

1 

170 
1.5 



1.330,101 163 hMillard Fillmore 16f 
1,220,544 l^jVVm. O. Barter-.. 1121 
291,263 ... I Chas. P. Adams 

1,691,474 2.54 Wm. R. King...|25i 
1,386.578 42 Wm. A. Graham! 42 
156,149 . . . I Geo. W. Julian. 

James Buchanan. ..'19 1.838.169 171 J. C. Breckinr'ge 174 
Johu C. Fremont.. 'll 1,341,264; 114 1 Win. L. Davion 114 
Millard Fillmore... 1 87. ,5341 8: A. J. Doneison. . i 3 



RHpubli can. Abraham Lincoln.. 17 
Democratic.! J C. Breckiuridge.'. 11 

3 
2 



Cons. Union 
Ind. Dem 



1304 *36 514, ^Republican. Abraham Lincoln. 

' Democratic Geo. B. McCleliaa. 

I Vacancies 



18C8 t.3T 



1872 37 



1876 



1880 



317 



366 



John Bell. 
S. A. Douglas. 



Republican. Ulysses S. Grant... 

Democratic. Horat o Seymour .. 

\ ucanties 

JRcpublican. Ulysses S. Grant... 

Dem. & Lib. [Horace Greeley 

Democratic. Charles O'Couor. .. 

Temp'rance James Black 

Thos. A. Hendricks 

iB. Gratz Brown 

'Charles J Jenkins. 

I David Davis 



t Not Counted. 



1,"66,352 180: Hannibal Hamlin 183 
84i.763j 72 Josepu Lane j 12 



.081.531 
1,375,157 



39 Edward Everett. I 39 
12 II. V. Johnson.., 12 



J16.067 21 2 Andrew Johnson'212 



1,808.725 



21, G. M. Pendleton. 
811. 



21 

81 



26 3.015,071 214 Schuyler Colfax '214 
81 2,709,013] 80 F. 1". Blair, Jr..., 83 

3i m i 23 



31 3,597,070 ! 2SG , Henry Wirson. . . i286 
6 2,834,079!...! B. Gratz Brown. I 47 
29,408 

5,608 



38 369 Republican. Rutherford B Hayes 2! 



1881 



38 369 



Democratic. jSimuel J. Tildeu. 
Greenback.. Peter Coopr . .. 
Prohibition [Green Clay iSrnith. 
Scattering 



B. Gratz Brown 

. . j Geo. W T . Ji.iian. . 

. . !'A. II. Colquitt. . 

42 John M. Palmer. 

13 ,jT. E. Bramlettc. 
4 [W. S. GroeeDcek 
1 ; Willis B. Machen 

...liN.P. Banks 

17, 



4T 
5 
5 
3 
3 
1 
1 
1 

14 



4.033,930 185 Wm. A. Wheeler 185 



38 



40 



Repu oilcan.. Jam 63 A. Garfleld...'19 



Democratic. Winlield S.Hancock|l9 
jGreenback.. James B. Weaver... 

1 Scattering „..[ 

Democratic .Grover Cleveland..120.4,9ir,017j219TT. A. Hendriek 
Republican j James G. Blaine 18 4,848. 334 !18J Llohn A. I.o^ui 



4,284,885! 184 ,T. A. 

81,740'.. .i| 

9.522 . 

2,636 ...!...!.! 



Hendricks 1S4 



4,449.053 214! .Chester A.Artbur!214 
4,442,035 -155 j I Wm. H. English. 155 

307.303| j B. J. Cbambers..| 

12,5701 

"' 219 



(Prohibition John P. St. John.. 

[Greenback.. Benj. F. But'er 

'.Scattering-.. ... 



15 1 .SOD; 

134.82) 

11,36* 



William l»aniel. 
A. M West 



182 



1 *. E1 . e \ e r n ^ a A e3 d ,! dn ° t vote, viz.: Alabama, Arkansas, Florida. Geonria Louisiana Ml* 
•Iwlppi. North Carolina, South CaroUna, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia. lj0uisiaaa . *"» 



t Taree States did not vote, viz.: Mississippi. Tex^a, aud Virgl 



lrgima. 
nia. 



-z-£ NATIONAL ELECTIONS. 

THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. 

The Presidential election will take place on Tuesday, 
November 6th, 1888. The Constitution prescribes that each 
State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature thereof 
may direct, a number of electors equal to the whole number 
of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be 
entitled in Congress. For the election this year the electors 
by States will be as follows : 

States. Electoral States. Electoral 

Vote. Vote. 

Alabama 10 Missouri 16 

Arkansas 7 Nebraska 5 

California 8 Nevada 3 

Colorado 3 New Hampshire 4 

Connecticut 6 New Jersey 9 

Delaware 3 New York 36 

Florida 4 North Carolina 11 

Georgia 12 Ohio 23 

Illinois 22 Oregon 3 

Indiana 15 Pennsylvania 30 

Iowa 13 Rhode Island 4 

Kansas 9 South Carolina 9 

Kentucky 13 Tennessee 12 

Louisiana 8 Texas 13 

Maine 6 Vermont 4 

Maryland 8 Virginia 12 

Massachusetts 14 West Virginia 6 

Michigan 13 Wisconsin " 

Minnesota 7i 

Mississippi 9' Total 4 01 

Necessary to a choice, 201. 

No Senator or Representative, or person holding an office of 
profit or trust under the United States, shall be an elector. 
In all the States, the laws thereof direct that the people shall 
choose the electors. The Constitution declares that the day 
when electors are chosen shall be the same throughout the 
United States. The electors shall meet in their respective 
States on the first Wednesday in December, and vote by ballot 
for President and Vice-President, one of whom at least shall 
not be an inhabitant of the same State as themselves. 



Q UA L IF1CA TIONS FOR VO TERS. 
QUALIFICATIONS FOR VOTERS. 



567 



States. 



Alabama .... 
Arkansas.... 
California . . 

Colorado 

Connecticut. 
Delaware.... 



Florida 21 



Requirement 

as to 
Citizenship. 



Georgia 

Illinois 

Indiana 

Iowa 

Kansas 

Kentucky 

Louisiana 

Maine 

Maryland 

Massachusetts. 

Michigan 

Minnesota 

Mississippi. ... 

Missouri 

Nebraska 

Nevada 

N. Hampshire 
New Jersey... 

New York 

N\ Carolina... 

Ohio 

Oregon. 

Pennsylvania. 
Rhode Island 

S. Carolina 

Tennessee 

Texas 

Vermont 

Virginia 

\V. Virginia... 
Wisconsin 



Citizens or declared intention. 
Citizens or declared intention. 

Actual citizens 

Citizens or declared intention. 

Actual citizens 

Aetual County taxpayers 

f United States citizens or ) 

1^ declared intention / 

Actual citizens , 

Actual citizens , 

Citizens or declared intention 

Actual citizens , 

Citizens or declared intention. 

Free white male citizens 

Citizens or declared intention 

Actual citizens , 

Actual citizens , 

Citizens 

Citizens or declared intention 
Citizens or declared intention, 

Actual citizens 

Citizens or declared intention, 
Citizens or declared intention. 
Citizens or declared intention. 

Actual citizens 

Actual citizens 

Actual citizens.. 

Actual citizens 

Actual citizens 

Citizens or declared intention, 

Actual citizens 

Actual tax-paying citizens 

Actual citizens 

Actual citizens 

Citizens or declared intention 

Actual citizens 

Actual citizens , 

Actual citizens 

Citizens or declared intention 



Residence 
in 



U 



I yr.!3mo 
I yr 6 mo 
I yr. gods 
6 mo 
1 yr. 
lyr. 



Registration. 



I yr. 

I yr. 

1 yr. 

6 mo 
6 mo 
6 mo 

2 yr- 
1 yr. 

3 mo 
[ yr. 
I yr. 

3 mo 

4 mo 
6 mo 
1 yr. 
6 mo 
6 m© 



6 mo 
1 mo 

6 mo 

6 mo 
9ods 
oods 
6ods 



I yr. 

6 mo 



6 mo 



1 mo 

6ods 



I yr. 


I jr. 


1 yr. 


1 yr. 


6 mo 


1 yr. 


1 yr. 


1 yr. 


lyr. 


1 yr. 


1 yr. 


1 yr. 


1 yr. 


1 yr. 



3ods 
5 mo 
4mo 
gods 



6ods 
6mo 
6 mo 



6ods 



No law. 
Prohibited. 
Required. 
Required. 
Required. 
Not required- 
Required. 

No law. 

Required. 

No law. 

Required. 

Req'd in cities 

Not required. 

No law. 

Required. 

Required. 

Required. 

Required. 

Required. 

Required. 

Req'd in cities 

Required. 

Required. 

Required. 

Req'd in cities 

Req'd in cities 

Required. 

Not required. 

Required. 

Required. 

Required. 

Not required. 

Prohibited. 

Required. 

Required. 

Prohibited. 

Required. 



Note. — In several States women are permitted to vote on the school questions, seleo* 
tion of directors, eta 



6S 



HOMES OF THE PRESTDEXTS. 



PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES. 



Presi- 
dential 
Term. 



Name. 



Qualified. 



Born. 



Died. 



I 
2 

3 
4 

5 
6 

7 
8 

9 
io 
ii 

12 

13 
14 

15 

16 

17 
18 

19 

20 

21 
22 

23 

24 



22, 1732 Dec. 

19 1735 July 



George Washington j April 30, 1789 ~ , 

George Washington.. March 4, 1793 

John Adams ]March 4, 1797 Oct 

Thomas Jefferson March 4, 1801 . ., L . 

Thomas Jefferson j March 4, 1805 Apnl 2 ' * 743 ,- |uly 

Tames Madison 'March 4, 1809,, , „ „.. T 

i m j- , f , o March 5, 17^1 Tune 28, 

fames Madison March 4, 1813) ~" >J 1' ' 

fames Monroe 1 March 4, 1817 . ., -o!t 1 

\ A , L, ,„ ' April 2S, 175b Tuly 

fames Monroe (March 5,1521 r ' J , J 3 

fohn Quincy Adams. March 4, 1825 July II, 1767 Feb, 

March 4, 

March 4, 

March 4, 



14, 

4, 
4, 



4- 



J 799 
1S26 

1826 

18 tf 



Andrew Jackson, 
Andrew Jackson. 
Martin Van Buren. 



Wm, H. Harrison. -j March 4, 

fohn Tyler 'April 6, 

March 4, 
March 5, 

July 9. 

March 4, 



1829 A/ 
o Mar. 

1837 Dec. 
1 84 1 Feb. 
iS/ii Mar. 



15, 1767 June 8, 



fames K. Polk 

Z ichary Taylor * 

Millard Fillmore... 
Franklin Pierce. .... 

fames Buchanan 

Abraham Lincoln.. 
Abraham Lincoln * 



5, 1782 July 24, 
9, 1773 April 4, 
29, 1790 Jan. 17, 
1845 Nov. 2, 1795 June 15, 
1849JN0V. 24, 1784 July 9, 
i85o[jan. 7, i8oo| 




1853 Nov. 23, iSo4'Oct. 



8 
I, 



March 4, 1857 April 22, 1791 June 

March 4, 1861L , „ . ., 

\t „i 7 ,0^-jFeb. 12, 1S09 April i<;, 
Marcn 4, 1 865 

Andrew Johnson April 15, 1865 Dec. 29, 1S0S July 30, 

Ulysses S. Grant . ... ; March 4, |S6 9 L ^ J$22 ]u] ^ 

Ulysses S. Grant | March 4, 1873; * " J 

Rutherford 15. Hayes March 5, 1877 Oct. 4,1822 



1S69 
1S68 



fames A. Garfield* , 
Chester A'. Arthur. 



March 4, 188 1 Nov. 19, 1831 

jSept'r 20, i88i|< : ct. 5, 1830 



Sept. 19, 1S81 



25 Grover Cleveland March 4, 1SS5 Mar. 18, 1837 



Total number of incumbents, 21. 



* Died in office. 



HOMES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



Native State. 



Whence Elected. 



Washington .... Virginia Virginia. 

A lams Massachusetts Massachusetts. 

Jeflfrson ... j Virginia Virginia. 

Malison „ " | "' 

Monroe .... j " I " 

A Jams, J. Quincy Massachusetts Massachusetts. 

Jackson North Carolina Tennis ee. 

Van Buren New York New Yurk. 

Harrison : Virginia Ohio. 

Tyler I ' Virginia. 

Po!k North Carolina jTennessee. 

Taylor Virgini 1... L< u > ' ma. 

Pi H more New York New York. 

Pnrcs New Hampshire... New Hampshire. 

Buchanan Pennsylvania P- nnsylvania. 

Lincoln Kentucky Illinois. 

Johnson N irth Carolina Tennessee. 

Grant Ohio Illinois. 

Hives ; " .Ohio. 

Garfield " I ■« 

Arthur New York New York. 

Cleveland «£««. New Jersey New York. 



ftCE- PRESIDENTS. . c 6g 

VICE-PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES. 




John Adams 

John Adams 

Thomas Jefferson 

Aaron Burr 

George Clinton . 

George Clinton* 

William H. Crawfordf, 

Elbridge Gerry* 

John Gaillard* 

Daniel D. Tompkins.... 
Daniel D. Tompkins... 

John C.Calhoun 

John C Calhoun J 

Hugh L. Whitef 

Martin Van Buren 

Richard M. Johnson.... 

[ohn Tyler$ 

Samuel L. Southard-}-... 
Willie P. Mangumf.... 

George M. Dallas 

Millard Fillmore^ 

William R. Kirigj" 

William R. King* 

David R. Atchisonf .... 

Jesse D. Bright f 

John C. Breckenridge.. 

Hannibal Hamlin 

Andrew Johnson^ , 

Lafayette S. Fosterf 

Benjamin F. Wadejv... 

Schuyler Colfax 

Henry Wilson* 

Thomas W. Ferry f 

William A. Wheeler.... 

Chaster A. Arthur \ 

David Davisf 

George F. Edmundsf... 
Thos. A. Hendricks*... 
John Shermanf 



Qualified. 



June 3 
Dec. 2 
March 4 
March 4 
March 4 
March 4 
April 10 
March 4 
Nov. 25 
March 4 
March 5 
March 4 
March 4 
Dec. 28 
March 4 
March 4 
March 4 
April 6 
May 31 
March 4 
March 5 
July II 
March 4 
April 18 
Dec. 5 
March 4 
March 4 
March 4 
April 15 
March 2 
March 4 
March 4 
Nov. 22 
March 5 
March 4 
Oct. 13 
March 3 
March 4 
Dec. 7 



i. 


Born. 


7891 

793/ 


1735 


797 


1743 


80 1 


1756 


805 l 
S09/ 


1739 


812 


1772 


813 


1744 


814 




8i7l 

821 r 


1744 


8251 
829/ 


1782 


832 


1773 


833 


1782 


837 


1780 


841 


1790 


841 


1787 


842 


1792 


84.S 


1792 


S49 


1800 


8501 
853 / 


1786 


853 


1807 


854 


I8l2 


8S7 


I82I 


S61 


1809 


865 


1808 


86s 


1806 


867 


1800 


869 


1823 


873 


l8l2 


875 


1827 


877 


I819 


881 


1830 


881 


1815 


88^ 


1828 


885 


1S19 1 


885 


1823 1 



Died. 



I82€ 

1826 
1836 

l8l2 

1834 
1814 

1826 

1825 

185O 

1843 
1862 
1850 
1862 
1S42 
lS6l 
1864 
1869 

1853 

1S86 

'875 
1875 

1875 
1880 
1878 
1885 
1875 

1887 
I8S6 

1 886 
1885 



* Died in office, f Acting Vice-President and President /ra tern, of the Senate. 
( Resigned the Vice-Presidency. § Became President. 



CABINETS OF THE PRESIDENTS. 
George Washington: April 30, 1789 — March 4, 1797 (two terms). 

Secretary of State; Thomas Jefferson, appointed Sept. 26,' 1 789 

*' ' " Edmund Randolph, " Jan. 2, 1794 

<« * Timothy Pickering, " Dec. 10, 1795 



57o 



CABINETS OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



appointed Sept. II, 1789 

" Feb. 2, 1795 

" Sept. 12, 1789 

" Jan. 2, 1795 

" Jan. 27, 1796 

" Sept. 26, 17^9 

" Aug. 12, 1 791 

« Feb. 25, 1795 

" Sept. 26, 1789 

« Jan. 27, 1794 

M Dec. 10, 1795 

John Adams: March 4, 1797 — March 4, 1801 (one term). 

Secretary of Stat: ; Timothy Pickering, appointed March 4, 1797 



Secretary of Treasury; Alexander Hamilton, 
Oliver Wolcott, 
Henry Knox, 
Timothy Pickering, 
James McHenry, 
Samuel Osgood, 
Timothy Pickering, 
Joseph Habersham, 
Edmund Randolph, 
William Bradford, 
Charles Lee, 



War: 



Postmaster- General: 



Attorney- General: 



Treasury: 
War: 



" Navy: 

Postmaster- General: 
Attorney- General: 



John Marshall, 
Oliver Wolcott, 
Samuel Dexter, 
James Mc Henry, 
Samuel Dexter, 
Rodger Griswold, 
Benjamin StodHart, 
Joseph Habersham, 
Charles Lee, 
Theophilus Parsons, 



May 13, 1800 

March 4, 1797 

Jan. 1, 1S01 

March 4, 1797 

May 13, 1800 
Feb. 3, 1801 

May 21, 1798 
March 4, 1 797 
March 4, 1 797 

Feb. 20, 1 801 



Thomas Jefferson: March 4, 1801 — March 4, 1809 (two terms). 

Secretary of State ; James Madison, appointed March 5, 1801 

" Treasury: Albert Gallatin, " May 14, I Sol 

" War; Henry Dearborn, " March 5, 1801 

n Navy; Benjamin Stoddert, '* March 4,1801 

" " Robert Smith, « July 15, 1S01 

J. Crowninshield, " March 3, 1805 

Joseph Habersham, " March 4, 1 801 

Gideon Granger, " Nov. 28, lSoi 

Levi Lincoln, " March 5, 1801 

Robert Smith, " March 3, 1805 

John Breckinridge, K Aug. 7, 1805 

" ** Gesar A. Rodney, " Jan. 28, 1807 

James Madison: March 4, 1809 — March 4, 1817 (two terms). 

Secretary of State ; Robert Smith, appointed March 6, 1 809 



Postmaster- General : 
«< «< 

Attorney- General: 



James Monroe, 
Treasury : Albert Gallatin, 

" George W. Campbell, 

M Alexander J. Dallas, 

" William II. Crawford, 

War: William Fustis, 

" John Armstrong, 

" James Monroe, 

" William II. Crawford, 

Navy: Paul Hamilton, 
" William Jones, 

M B. W. Crowninshield, 



April 2, 181 1 

March 4, 1809 

Feb. 9, 1 8 14 

Oct. 6, 1814 

Oct. 22, 1S16 
March 7, 1809 

Jan. 13, 1813 
Sept. 27, 1814 

Aug. 1, 1S15 
March 7, 1 809 

Jan. 12, 1S13 

Dec. 19, 1814 



CABINETS OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



57* 



Postmaster- General: 

a <( 

Attorney- General: 



Gideon Granger, 
Return J. Meigs, Jr., 
Caesar A, Rodney, 
William Pinkney, 
Richard Rush, 



appointed 



March 4, lSoj 

March 17, 1S14 

March 4, 1809 

Dec. 11, 181 1 

leb. io, 1814 



James Monroe: March 4, 1817 — March 4, 1825 (two terms). 
Secretary of State: John Quincy Adams, appointed March 5, 1817 

March 5, 181 7 

ad interim. 

Oct. 8, 181 7 

March 4, 181 7 

Nov. 9, 1818 

Sept. 16, 1823 

March 4, 181 7 

June 26, 1823 

March 4, 181 7 

Nov. 13, 1817 

-March 4, 1829 (one term). 

appointed March 7, 1825 
March 7, 1825 



(« 


Treasury 


William II. Crawford, 


it 


War: 


George Graham, 


M 


«< 


John C. Calhoun, 


it 


Navy : 


B. W. Crowninshield, 


tt 


a 


Smith Thompson, 


ft 


tt 


Samuel L. Southard, 


Post?nas. f er- General: 


Return J. Meigs, ^r., 


it 


<< 


John McLean, 


Atlorne^ 


y- General: 


Richard Rush, 


tt 


a 


William Wirt, 



John Quincy Adams : March 4, 1S25- 

Secretary of State : Henry Clay, 

" Treasury: Richard Rush, 



War: 

tt a 

" Navy: 

Postmaster- General: 
Attorney- General : 

Andrew Jackson: 
Secretary of State : 



lames Barbour, 
Peter B. Porter, 
Samuel L. Southard, 
John McLean, 
William Wirt, 



March 7, 1825 
May 26, 1828 
March 4, 1825 
March 4, 1825 
March 4, 1825 



March 4, 1S29 — March 4, 1837 (two terms). 

Martin Van Buren, appointed March 6, 1S29 



Edward Livingston, " May 24, 1 83 1 

" Louis McLane, " May 29, 1833 

" John Forsyth, " June 27, 1834 

Treasury : Samuel D. Ingham, " March 6, 1829 

" Louis McLane, u Aug. 2, 1831 

" William J. Duane, " May 29, 1S33 

" Roger B. Taney, «* Sept. 23, 1833 

Levi Woodbury, " June 27, 1834 

John PL Eaton, " March 9, 1829 

Lewis Cass, *' Aug. 1, 183 1 

John Branch, " March 9, 1829 

Levi Woodbury, " May 23, 1831 

Mahlon Dickerson, " June 30, 1834 

William T. Barry, ** March 9. 1 829 

Amos Kendall, " May I, 1835 

John M. Berrien, ** March 9, 1 829 

" ** Roger B. Taney, " July 20, 183I 

u " Benjamin F. Butler, " Nov. 15, 1833 

Martin Van Buren: March 4, 1837 — March 4, 1841 (one term). 

Secretary of State: John Forsyth, appointed March 4, 1 837 

" Treasury : Levi Woodbury, " March 4, 1837 

" War. Joel R. Poinsett, " March 7, 1 837 



« War: 

u tt 

" Navy: 

tt a 

tt tt 

Postmaster- General: 

a a 

Attorney- General: 



572 



CABINETS OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



Secretary of Navy: 


Mahlon Dickerson, 


appointed March 4, 


1837 


a c< 


James K. Paulding, 


<< 


June 25, 


'838 


Postmaster- General: 


Amos Kendal, 


u 


March 4, 


1837 


« (< 


John M. Niles, 


tt 


May 25, 


1840 


Attorney- General: j 


Benjamin F. Butler, 


tt 


March 4, 


1837 


<< «< 


Felix Grundy, 


tt 


>iy 5> 


1838 


«< << 


Henry D. Gilpin, 


tt 


Jan. II, 


1840 


William H. Harrison: March 4, 1841 — April 6, 1841 (partial term). 


Secretary of State : 


Daniel Webster, 


appointed March 5, 


1 841 


•* Treasury 


• '1 nomas Ewing, 


<< 


March 5, 


1841 


" W*/v 


John Bell, 


u 


March 5, 


1841 


" Navy: 


George E. Badger, 


tt 


March 5, 


1841 


Postmaster- General: 


Francis Granger, 


«< 


March 6, 


1841 


Attorney- General: 


John J. Crittenden, 


« 


March 5, 


1841 


John Tyler : April 6 


, 1 84 1 — March 4, 1845 (partial 


term). 




Secretary of State : 


Daniel Webster, 


appointed April 6, 


1841 


it << 


Hugh S. Legare, 


<« 


May 9, 


1843 


« M 


Abel P. Upshur, 


<< 


July 24, 


1843 


«i << 


John C. Calhoun, 


<< 


March 6, 


1844 


" Treasury 


• Thomas Ewing, 


<« 


April 6, 


1841 


« <t 


Walter Forward, 


tt 


Sept. 13, 


1 841 


« « 


John C. Spencer, 


tt 


March 3, 


1843 


«< <( 


George M. Bibb, 


tt 


June 15, 


1844 


" War: 


John Bell, 


tt 


April 6, 


1841 


u it 


John C. Spencer, 


tt 


Oct. 12, 


1 841 


«« « 


James M. Porter, 


tt 


March 8, 


1843 


«< « 


William Wilkins, 


tt 


June 15, 


1844 


•' iVrtt j .' 


George E. Badger, 


tt 


April 6, 


1 841 


(1 tt 


Abel P. Upshur, 


tt 


Sept. 13, 


1841 


tt <> 


David Henshaw, 


tt 


July 24, 


1843 


« «< 


Thomas W. Gilmer, 


tt 


Feb. 15, 


1844 


M <« 


John Y. Mason, 


tt 


March 14, 


1844 


Postmaster- General: 


Francis Granger, 


«« 


April 6, 


1841 


tt c< 


Charles A. Wickliffe, 


tt 


Sept. 13, 


1841 


Attorney- General: 


John J. Crittenden, 


<< 


April 6, 


1841 


« « 


Hugh S. Legare, 


tt 


Sept. 13, 


1841 


«< «« 


John Nelson, 


<< 


July I> 


1843 


James K.Polk: March 4, 1845 — March 5, 1849 (one 


term). 




Secretary of- State : 


James Buchanan, 


appoin 


ted March 6, 


1845 


H Treasury . 


• Robert J. Walker, 


<« 


March 6, 


1845 


" War: 


William L. Marcy, 


<< 


March 6, 


1845 


" Navy: 


George Bancroft, 


«< 


March 10, 


1845 



Postmaster- General: 
Attorney- General: 



John Y. Mason, 
Cave Johnson, 
John Y. Mason, 
Nathan Clifford, 
Isaac Toucey, 



Sept. 9, 1846 

March 6. 1845 

March 6, 1845 

Oct. 17, 1846 

June 21, 1848 



CABINETS OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



573 



Zachary Taylor 



Secretary of State ; 

" Treasury 

" War; 

" Navy : 

u Interior ; 

Postmaster- General : 
Attorney- General ; 

Millard Fillmore: 

Secretary of State ; 
<t « 

" Treasury 

" War: 

" Navy : 

it a 

" Interior ; 

Postmaster- General ; 

a a 

Attorney- General : 



March 5, 1849 — July 9, 1850 (partial term). 

John M. Clayton, appointed March 7, 1849 

William M. IVleredith, ' '* March 8, 1849 

George W. Crawford, " March 8, 1849 

William B. Preston, " March 8, 1849 



Thomas Ewing, 
Jacob Collamer, 
Reverdy Johnson, 

July 9, 1850 — March 4, 

Daniel Webster, 
Edward Everett, 
.• Thomas Corwin, 
Chares M. Conrad, 
William A. Graham, 
John P. Kennedy, 
Alex. H. H. Stuart, 
Nathan K. Hall, 
Samuel D. Hubbard, 
John J. Crittenden, 



Franklin Pierce: March 4, 1853 — March 4, 



Secretary of State : 
" Treasury 

" War: 

" Navy: 

" Interior: 

Postmaster- General: 
Allot my- General: 



William L. Marcy, 
James Guthrie, 
Jefferson Davis, 
James C. Dobbin, 
Robert McClelland, 
James Campbell, 
Caleb Cushing, 



James Buchanan: March 4, 1857 — March 4, 

Lewis Cass, 
Jeremiah S. Black, 
Howell Cobb, 
Philip F. Thomas, 
John A. Dix, 
John B. Floyd, 
Joseph Holt, 
Isaac Toucey, 
Jacob Thompson, 
Aaron V. Brown, 
Joseph Holt, 
Horatio King, 
Jeremiah S. Black, 



Secretary of State: 
<< << 

" Treasury: 

<« « 

<< << 

" War: 

« << 

" Navy: 

** Interior : 

Postmaster- General: 



Attorney- General; 



Edwin M. Stanton, 



<l 


March 8, 


1849 


« 


March 8, 


1849 


tt 


March 8, 


1849 


1853 (partial term). 




appointed July 22, 


1850 


« 


Nov. 6, 


1852 


(i 


July 23, 


1850 


ti 


Aug. 15, 


1850 


<« 


July 22, 


1850 


« 


* July 22, 


1852 


tt 


Sept. 12, 


1850 


tt 


July 23, 


1850 


« 


Aug. 31, 


1852 


<< 


July 22, 


1850 


18/7 (one term). 




appointed March 7, 


1853 


tt 


March 7, 


1853 


« 


March 5, 


1853 


tt 


March 7, 


1853 


tt 


March 7, 


1853 


tt 


March 5, 


1853 


tt 


March 7, 


1853 


1861 (one term). 




appointed March 6, 


1857 


tt 


Dec. 17, 


i860 


tt 


March 6, 


1857 


tt 


Dec. 12, 


i860 


<< 


Jan. 1 1, 


1861 


tt 


March 6, 


18^7 


ft 


Jan. 18, 


1861 


tt 


March 6, 


1857 


t* 


March 6, 


1857 


(t 


March 6, 


1857 


ft 


March 14, 


1859 


tt 


Feb. 12, 


1861 


tt 


March 6, 


1857 


tt 


Dec. 20, 


i860 



Abraham Lincoln: March 4, 1861 — April 15, 1865 (one term and a 
part). 

Secretary of State ; William H. Seward, appointed March 5, 1861 

«« Jrwsuty; Salmon P. Chase, " March 7, 1861 



574 



CABINETS OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



Secretary of Treasury : William P. Fessenden, 
" " Huizh McCulloch. 



" War: 

tt << 

" Navy : 

" Interior : 

U 11 

Postmaster- General : 
« << 

Attorney- General : 



Simon Cameron, 
Edwin M. Stanton, 
Gideon Welles, 
Caleb B. Smith, 
John P. Usher, 
Montgomery Blair, 
William Dennison, 
Edward Bates, 
Titian J. Coffey, ad int., 
James Speerl 



appointed July I, 1864 
11 March 7, 1865 

March 5, 1861 
" Jan. 15, 1862 

" March 5, 1861 

" March 5, 1 861 

Jan. 8, 1863 
" March 5, 1861 

•' Sept. 24, 1864 

" March 5, 1 86 1 

" June 22, 1863 

" Dec. 2, 1864 



Andrew Johnson: April 15, 1865 — March 4, 1869 (partial term' 



Secretary of State : 



Treasury 
War: 



Navy ; 
Interior , 



Postmaster- General : 
a «< 

Attorney- General : 



William II. Seward, 
Elihu B. Washburne, 
Hugh McCulloch, 
Edwin M. Stanton, 
Ulysses S. Grant, ad int., 
Lorenzo Thomas, 
John M. Schorield, 
Gideon Welles, 
John P. Usher, 
James Harlan, 
Orville II. Browning, 
William Dennison, 
Alexander W. Randall, 
James Speed, 
Henry Stanbery, 
William M. Evarts, 



appointed April 15, 1865 



March 5, 1869 
Aprd 15, 1865 

April 15, 1865 
Aug. 32, 1868 
Feb. 21, 1868 
May 28, 1868 

April 15, 1865 

April 15, 1865 
May 15, 1865 
July 27, 1866 

April 15, 1865 
July 25, 1866 

April 15, 1865 
luly 23, 1866 
July 15, 1868 



Ulysses S. Grant 
Secretary of State ; 



March 4, 1869 — March 5, 1877 (two terms). 
Hamilton Fish. appointed March 1 1 

' March 11 

' March 17 

' June 4 

July 7 

* March 11 
' Oct. 25 
' March 8 
1 May 22 
1 March 5 
1 June 25 

* March 5 
1 Nov. 1 
' Oct. 19 

* March 5 

* Aug. 24 
1 July 12 
' March 5 
' June 23 
1 Dec. 14 

* April 26 
' May 29 





Treasury . 


• George S. Boutwell, 
William A. Richardson, 


41 
«« 


«< 


Benjamin H. Bristow, 
Lot M. Morrill, 


u 


War: 


John A. Rawlins, 


«< 
«< 
« 


« 
tt 
t» 


William W. Belknap, 
Alphonso Taft, 
James D. Cameron, 


If 
#« 

N 


Navy ; 
a 

Interior : 


Adolph E. Borie, 
George M. Robeson, 
Jacob D. Cox, 


M 


a 


Columbus Delano, 


«« 


n 


Zachariah Chandler, 


Postmaster- General : 


John A. J. Creswell, 


a 


<< 


Marshall Jewell, 


<« 


<c 


James N. Tyner. 


sitiorney- 


General : 


E. Rockwood Hoar, 


u 


<< 


Amos T Akerman, 


H 

M 

m 


<< 

M 

« 


George H. Williams, 
Edwards Pierrepont, 
Alphonso Taft, 



1869 
1869 

1873 

1,74 
1876 

1869 
1869 

IS76 
1876 

1869 
1869 
1869 
1870 

1875 

1809 

1874 
1876 
1869 

1870 

1871 
J 875 

1870 



575 



Rutherford B. Hayes: March 5, 1877 — March 4, 1S81 (one term). 



Secretary of State : 

u Treasury 

«< War: 

<< << 

a Navy ; 

<< '< 

" Interior : 

Postmaster- General : 
<< << 

Attorney- General : 

James A. Garfield : 

Secretary of Sfate : 

t( Treasury : 

« War: 

" f Navy: 
" Interior : 

Postmaster- General : 
Attorney- General : 

Chester A. Arthur, 

Secretary -»/" State : 

" Treasury 

u u 

ti << 

" War; 

" Navy ; 

" Interior; 

Postmaster- General : 



William M. Evarts, 
John Sherman, 
George VV. McCrary, 
Alexander Ramsey, 
Richard W. Thompson, 
Nathan Goff, Jr., 
Carl Schurz, 
David McK. Key, 
Horace Maynard, 
Charles Devens, 



appointed March 
" March 



March 
Dec. 

March 
Jan. 

March 

March 
June 

March 



12, 1877 

8, l8 7 7 
12, 187; 
10, 1879 
12, 1877 

6, 1S81 
12, 1877 
12, 1877 

2, 1S80 
12, 1877 



appointed 



Attorney- General . 



March 4, 1 88 1 — September 19, 188 1 

James G. Blaine, 
■ William Windom, 

Robert T. Lincoln, " 

William H. Hunt, " 

Samuel J. Kirkwood, " 

Thomas L. James, " 

Wayne MacVeagh, " 

September 20, 1 88 1 - March 4, 1885 

F. T. Frehn^huvsen, appointed 
- Charles J. Folger, " 

Walter Q. Gresham, " 

Hugh McCulloch, " 

Robert T. Lincoln, " 

William E. Chandler, 

Henry M. Telhr, 

Timothy O Howe, 

Walter Q Gresham, 

Frank Hatton, 

Benjamin II. Brewster, 



(partial term). 

March 5, 188 1 
March 5, 188 1 
March 5, 1 88 1 
March 5, 188 1 
March 5, 1 88 1 
March 5, 188 1 
March 5, 188 1 

(partial terml, 

Dec. 12, 1881 

Oct. 27, 1 88 1 

Sept. 24, 1884 

Oct. 28, 1-8*4 

Sept. 20, 1881 

April l, 1882 

April 6, 1882 

Dec. 20, 1 881 

April 3, 1 883 

Oct. 14, 1884 

Dec. 19, 1881 



G rover Cleveland, March 4, 1S85 — 

Secretary of State : Thomas F. Bayard, appointed 

Treasury : Daniel Manning, " 

Charles S. Fairchild, 



War : 

'* Navy : 

Interior , 
<< •« 

Postmaster- General: 

tl H 

Attorney' General : 



William C. Endicott, 
Wdliam C. Whitney, 
Lucius Q. C. Lamar, 
William F. Vilas, 
William F. Vilas, 
Don M. Dickinson, 
Augustus II. GarLnd, 



March 
March 
April 
March 
March 
March 

Jan. 
March 

Jan. 
March 



6, 1885 
6, J 885 
I, 1887 
6, 1885 
6, 1885 
6, 1885 

16, 1888 
6, 1885 

16, 1888 
6, 1S85 



cj6 CHIEF OFFICERS OF THE U. S. ARMY. 

Entered the Army. 

General Philip II. Sheridan 1853 

., ' . ■ ' , ( John M. Schofield 1851 

Major-Generals-- J Oliver O. Howard 18^4 

(Limited by law to three) | Alfnjd I{ Teny lg j* 

f John Gibbon 1S47 

George Crook 1852 

Brigadier-Generals — Nelson A. Miles 1866 

(Limited by law to six) j David S. Stanley 1852 

Thomas II. Rueer 1854 

[ Orlando A. Willcox 1847 



CHIEF OFFICERS OF THE U. S. NAVY. 



Name. 



David D. Porter 

Stephen C. Rowan. . 

John Lee Davis 

James E. Jouett 

Ralph Chandler 

Lewis A. Kimberly... 
Bancroft Gherardi ... 

Daniel L. Braine 

George E Belknap.. 
David B. Harmony.. 
A. E. K. Benham.... 

John Irwin 

James A. Greer 

Aaron VV. Weaver... 
William P. IvfcCann. 

James II. Gillis , 

William E. Fitzhugh 
George Brown 



Whence 

Ap- 
pointed. 



Penn.... 

Ohio 

Indiana. 

Ky 

N.Y 

Illinois.. 
Mass.... 
Texas .. 
N. H ... 
Penn... 
N. Y.... 
Penn.... 

Ohio 

Ohio .... 

Ky 

Penn 

Ohio 

Indiana 



Original 

Entry 

into 

Service. 



829 
826 
84I 
84I 
84S 
846 
846 
846 
847 
847 
847 

847 
848 
848 
848 
848 
848 
849 



Rank. 



Admiral. 
Vice-Admiral. 



Rear-Admirals, 
active list (6~). 



, Commodores, 
active list (10). 



COMMANDERS OF THE U. S. ARMY— 1 775-1884. 



Major-General George Washington June 15, 1775, to Decemher 23, 1783. 

Major-General Henry Knox December 23, 17S3, to June 20, 1784. 

Lieutenant -Colonel Josiah Manner, gener- 

al-in-chief by brevet September, 1788. to March, 1791. 

Major-General Arthur St. Clair March 4, 1791, to March, 1792. 

Major-General Anth ,ny Wayne April 11, 1792, to December 15, 1796. 

Major-General James Wilkinson December 15, 17)6, to July 1793. 

Lieutenant-General George Washington. ..July 3, 1798, to his death, December 14, 179J. 

Major-General James Wilkinson June, 1800, to Junuary, 1812. 

Major-General Henry Dearborn January 27, 18:2, to June, 1815. 

M gor-General Jacob Drown June, 1815. to February 2t, 1828 

Major-General Alexander Macomb May 24, 1828, to June, 1841. 

Major-General WinfieldScott(brevet Lieu- 
ten ant-General' June, 1841, to November 1. i86r. 

Major-General George H.McCIellan November 1. 1861, to March n, 1862. 

Major-General Henry W. Halleck J l »'y 1J > 1862, t > March 12, 1864. 

Lieutenant General Ulysses S. Grant March 12 1864. to July 25, 1066, and as Gen- 
eral to March 4, 1069. 

General William T. Sherman March 4. i860, to November 1, iSSj. 

Lieutenant-General Philip H. Sheridan ,...S*ince November t, 1835. 



SPEAKERS. 



577 



SPEAKERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.* 



Name. 



State. 



F. A. Muhlenberg Penrsylvania ... 

Jonathan Trumbull "Connecticut. 

F. A. Muhlenberg 

Jonathan Dayton 



Theodore Sedgwick 
Nathaniel Macon. „... 



Joseph B. Varnum. 

II << 

Henry Clay 



Pennsylvania , 
New Jersey..., 



Massachusetts... 
North Carolina. 



Massachusetts. 
Kentucky , 



Langdon Cheves 'South Carolina. 



Henry Clay. 



John W Taylor 

Philip P Barbour... 

Henry Clay 

John \V. Taylor 

Andr/w Stevenson. 



Kentucky., 



John Bell 

James K. Polk. 



Robert M. T. Hunter Virginia 

John White Kentucky 

John W. Jones Virginia 

John W. Davis Indiana 

Robert C. Winthrop Massachusetts 

Howell Cobb Georgia 

Lima Boyd Kentucky 



New York. 
Virginia.... 
Kentucky.. 
New York. 
Virginia 



Tennessee. 



Nathaniel P. Banks Massachusetts. 

J unes L. Orr South Carolina. 



Wm. Pennington.. 
Galusha A. Grow. 



New Jersey..., 
Pennsylvania . 



Schuyler Colfax Indiana. 



James G. Blaine IMair 



Michael C. Kerr Indiana 

Samuel J. Randall Pennsylvania. 



\. Warren Keifer Ohio 

[ohn G. Carlisle [Kentucky. 



Con- 
gress 



ist 

2d 

3J 

4th 

sth 

6th 

7th 

8th 

9th 

10th 

nth 

12th 

13th 

13th 

14: h 

151I1 

16th 

16th 

17th 

18th 

19th 

20lh 
2ISt 
22d 
23d 

23^ 
24th 

25th 

26th 

27th 

28th 

29th 

30th 

31st 

32i 

3id 

34th 

35 th 

36th 

37th 

38th 

39th 

40th 

41st 

42d 

43d 

44th 

44th 

4",th 
46th 
47th 
48th 



Term of Service. 



April 1, 

October 24, 
December 2, 
December 7, 
May .15, 
December 2, 
December 7, 
October 17, 
December 2, 
October 20, 
May 22, 

November 4, 
May 24, 

January 19, 
December 4, 
December 1, 
December 6, 
November 15 
December 4, 
December i, 
December 5, 
December 3, 
December 7, 
December 5, 
December 2, 
June 2, 

December 7, 
September 5, 
Decemben6, 
May 31, 

December 4, 
December 1, 
December 6, 
December22, 
December 1, 
December 5, 
February 2, 
December 7, 
February 1, 

J»ly 4, 

December 7, 
December 4, 
March 4, 
March 4, 
March 4, 

December 1, 
December 6, 
December 4, 
October 15, 
March 18, 
December 5, 
December 3, 



789, to March 4 
791, to March 4 
703, to March 4 
795, to March 4, 
707, to March 3 
799, to March 4 
8^1, to Mar:h 4 
803, to March 4 
8J5, to March 4 
807, to March 4 
809, to March 4 
811, to March 4 

813, to Jan'y 19 

814, to March 4 

815, to March 4 
817, to March 4 
S19, to May 15 

820, to March 4 

821, to March 4 
823, to March 4 
825, to March 4 
S27, to March 4 
829, to March 4 
831, to March 4 

833, to June 2 

834, to March 4 

835, to March 4 
837, to March 4 
839, to March 4 
841, to March 4 
843, to March 4 
845, to March 4 
847, to March 4 
849, to Marrh4 
851, to March 4 
851, to March 4 
856, to March 4 
8^7, to March 4 

860, to March 4 

861, to March 4 
863, to March 4 
865, to March 4 
867, to March 4 
869, to March 4 
871, to March 4 

873, to Manh 4 

875, to Aug. 20 

876, to March 4 

877, to March 4 
879, to March 4 
881, to March 4 
883, to 



791 
793 
795 
797 
799 
801 
803 

8-S 

807 
809 
811 

813 

814 

Si5 

817 
819 
820 
821 
823 

825 

827 

829 

831 

8^3 

£34 

835 

837 

839' 

841 

843 
845 
847 

849 
851 

853 
855 
857 
859 
861 
863 
865 
867 
869 
871 
873 
375 
876 

877 
879 
38i 
88? 



* Not including Speakers pro tern. 



CONGRESSIONAL REPRESENTATION OF THE STATES. 

I. Ratio of Representatives and Population. 

By Constitution, 1789 One to 30,000. 

" First Census, from March 4th, 1793 " 33,000. 

" Second " " " 1803. " 33,000. 

" Third " " « 1813 " 35,000. 



573 



CONGRESSIONAL REPRESENTA TION. 

By Fourth Census, from March 4th, 1823 One to 40,000. 

" Fifth " " " 1833 « 47,700. 

" Sixth " " " 1843 " 70,680. 

" Seventh " " " 1853 " 93,423. 

" Eighth " " " 1803 " 127,381. 

" Ninth " " " 1873 " 1 3 I >4 2 5- 

" Tenth " " " 1883 " 154,325. 



II. Representatives from Each State Under Each Census. 



States. 



onsti- , g 2| S 

»i It) a "C « 



tution, J » £ ^ g 
1789. 



Connecticut 

Delaware .. 

Georgia 

Maryland 

Massachusetts 

New Hampshire. 

New Jersey 

New York 

North Carolina... 

Pennsylvania 

Rhode Island 

South Carolina.... 

Virginia 

Kentucky , 

Vermont , 

Tennessee 

Ohio. 

Alabama , 

Illinois , 

Indiana 

Louisiana , 

Maine , 

Mississippi 

Missouri 

Arkansas 

Michigan 

California 

Florida 

Iowa 



Minnesota , 

Oregon , 

Texas 

Wisconsin....,,., 

Kansas , 

Nebraska 

Nevada 

Colorado , 

West Virginia. 



5 
1 

3 
6 

8 

3 
4 
6 

5 
8 
1 

5 
10 



7 
1 
2 
8 
14 

4 

5 

10 

10 

*3 

2 

6 

TO 
2 
2 



Whole number. 



7 
2 

6 

9 

20 

6 
6 

27 
J 3 
2.3 

2 

9 

23 
10 
6 

6 
6 



65 



5 M «3 <* ~ 



6 
I 

7 
9 

» 3 

6 

6 

31 

•3 

26 

2 

9 

22 
12 

5 
9 
14 

3 

1 

3 

3 

7 
1 
1 



6 

1 

9 
8 
12 

5 
6 
40 

13 

28 
2 

9 
21 

13 

5 

13 

19 

5 

3 

7 

3 

8 

2 

2 



4 
1 
8 
6 
1.0 
4 
5 

34 
9 

24 
2 

7 

15 

10 

4 
1 1 

21 

7 
7 
10 

4 
7 
4 

5 

1 

3 



105 141 i8i'2I3 240 223 2371243 293 325 



4 
I 
8 
6 
1 1 
3 
5 

5-> 
8 

25 

2 

6 

13 

10 

3 

10 
21 

7 

9 
1 1 

4 
6 

5 
7 

2 

4 

2 

1 
2 
2 
1 
2 

3 



4 

1 

7 
5 
10 

3 

5 

31 

7 

24 
2 

4 

I ( 

9 
3 
8 

19 
6 

14 

I I 

5 
5 
5 
9 
3 
6 

3 
1 
6 
2 
1 

4 
6 

1 
1 
1 



4 
1 

9 
6 
11 

3 
7 

33 
8 

27 
2 

5 
9 
10 

3 

10 
20 

8 
19 
13 

6 

5 
6 

13 

4 
9 

4 

2 

9 
3 
1 

6 
S 

3 

1 
1 
1 

3 



SUPREME COURT. 



579 



Chief Justices and Associate Justices of 
the U. S. Supreme Court.* 



State Whence Appointed. 



JohnJayf 

John Rutledgef 

William Cushing$ 

James Wilson \ 

John Blairf 

Robert II. Harrison f 

James Iredell | 

Thomas Joh nson f 

William Patterson $ 

John Rutledga | 

Samuel Chase \ 

Oliver Ellsworth f 

Bushrod Washington $ 

Alfred Moore f 

John Marshall \ 

William Johnson §..... 

Brockholst Livingston \ 

Thomas Todd$ 

Joseph Story $ 

Gabriel Duval -j- 

Smith Thompson $ 

Robert Trimble \ 

John McLean \ 

Henry Baldwin $ 

James M. Wayne \ 

Roger B. Taney \ 

Philip P. Barbour £.... 

John Catron^ 

John McKinley $ 

Peter V. Daniel \ 

Samuel Nelson f ,.. 

Levi Woodbury \ 

Robert C. Grierf 

Benjamin R. Curtis f 

lohn A. Campbellf 

Nathan Clifford § 

Noah II. Swaynef 

Samuel F. Miller 

David Davis f 

Stephen J. Field 

Salmon P. Chase $ 

William Strong f , 

Joseph P. Bradley 

Ward Hunt 

Morrison R. Waite^ 

John M. Harlan (Kentucky 

William B. Woods Georgia 

Stanley Matthews Ohio 

Horace Gray 'Massachusetts 

Samuel Blatchford New York 

Lucius Q. C. Lamar Mississippi.... 



New York 

South Carolina... 
Massachussetts. . . . 

Pennsylvania 

Virginia 

Maryland 

North Carolina... 

Maryland 

New Jersey 

South Carolina... 

Maryland 

Connecticut 

Virginia 

North Carolina... 

Virginia 

South Carolina... 

New York 

Kentucky 

Massachusetts ....' 

Maryland 

New York 

Kentucky 

Ohio 

Pennsylvania , 

Georgia , 

Maryland 

Virginia 

Tennessee 

Alabama 

Virginia 

New York 

New Hampshire. 

Pennsylvania 

Massachusetts.... 

Alabama 

Maine 

Ohio 

Iowa 

Illinois 

California 

Ohio 

Pennsylvania 

New Jersey 

New York 

Ohio 



Term of 
Service. 



789- 
789 
7S9- 

789- 
789 
789 
790- 

79I- 

793 

795 
796- 
796- 
798- 

799- 
801- 

804- 

S06- 

807- 

811 

811- 

823- 

826- 

829- 

830 

835- 

S36 

836- 

837- 

837- 

841- 

845- 
845- 
846 
851. 

853- 
858- 
861- 
S62- 
862- 
863- 
S64- 
S70- 
870- 
872- 
874- 
877- 
880- 
881- 
S81- 
882- 
888- 



795 
791 

810 

798 
796 
790 

799 
793 
806 

795 
811 
801 
829 
S04 

835 
834 
823 
826 

84 s 
836 

845 
828 
861 
846 
867 
864 
841 
865 
852 
860 
872 
851 
869 

857 
861 
S81 



877 

873 
880 



SS8 
18S7 



O V 

p. I 

2 
21 
9 
7 
1 

9 

2 

13 

15 

5 
3i 

5 
34 
30 
17 
19 
34 

25 
22 

2 

32 
16 

32 
28 

5 
28 

15 
19 

27 
6 

23 

6 

8 

23 
20 

iS 

9 
10 

10 

H 



* Chief Justices in heavy type, f Resigned. J Presided one term, c Died in office. 



c;3o WHERE OUR CHIEF OFFICERS CAME FROM. 



WHERE OUR CHIEF OFFICERS CAME FROM. 

From the beginning of the Government in ij8q to 1884. 



States. 


c 
u 

"in 

P. 


V V 

u-o 

u 

Ph 


O 

in 

.a a; 

rt rt 
£{£ 


V 



■« >> 

2 rt 
1) u 

£>" 

H 

CO 


■m 



1*3 

2> 

h 

O 

5 

CO 




M 

.2i >» 

>- > 

rt rt 
S£ 


V 
CO 


Im 

O 

.2 

rt u 

1) 
CO 


M 

u 
O — 

gg 

rt D 

SO 

Ph 


"rt 

u 

(D 

C 
11 

© 

>. 

u 

c 

E 

O 


u 

3 

s in 
V 3 

a^ 

3 

CO 

2 


5 

gCO 

- Vm 

■U O 

°3! 

V 

in 

Ph 

2 


V 
in 

3 
O 

"•* 

O 

(/> 
ti 

0) 

rt 

a 

CO 


• 


Alabama 




I 
















5 
















i 
























I 






T 




























Connecticut 








I 
I 


I 


2 


I 


4 


I 
I 


I 


3 


I 


15 

4 








2 
























Georgia 






I 
I 


2 
I 


2 
2 

2 


I 


I 

2 
2 


1 

2 


2 


2 
I 

I 


3 
1 

1 


I 

3 


T 4 




2 


I 


8 


Iowa 


11 

5 




















2 
I 


I 
I 
I 
I 

3 

1 


3 

2 
2 
3 

1 
1 


I 
I 

I 

4 
1 






4 


3 


3 


2 


4 


23 
4 




I 


I 

3 
5 




Maine , 


2 


1 
2 
1 


1 
5 
5 


1 

5 
4 


2 
2 
2 


1 

4 


8 






21 




2 


3 


36 
6 


Minnesota 












1 










1 




I 
I 








1 
1 




4 












1 




3 












































New Hampshire .,, 
New Jersey 


I 






1 

4 


5 


2 

3 

2 

4 








1 

2 
6 
2 
5 


3 
1 
1 

3 
1 


2 
1 
1 
1 


8 




1 

5 









q 


New York 

Noith Carolina 


3 


7 


4 


3 


41 
10 


Ohio 

Oregon 


3 






4 


3 


3 


3 


3 
1 
6 


26 

1 




1 


1 


3 


7 


6 


2 




2 


4 


3 

2 

3 
2 

1 

3 
6 

1 

5o 


3 

2 
2 

4 

|3° 


38 
2 


South Carolina 


3 


1 
1 


2 


1 


2 
2 


1 






1 

1 


2 
1 


r 4 


Tennessee 




3 


16 




1 


Vermont 










3 


4 


1 


1 

2 
3° 


4 

38 


5 
49 


4 


Virginia 


5 


2 


6 


40 




[3 


Total 


21 


20 


29 


34 


37 


30 14 


\3? 






OUR REPRESENTATIVES ABROAD, 



581 



OUR REPRESENTATIVES ABROAD. 



Country. 


Name axd Rank. 


Residence. 


Salary. 


Argentine Republic. 
Austria-Hungary ... 


Bayhss W. Hanna, M. R. and C. G * 
Alex. R. Lawton, E. E. and M. P.f 

Lambert Tree, Minister. Res 

S. S. Carlisle, M R. and C. G 




#7.5oo 


Brussels 


7,500 

5,000 
12,000 


Bolivia 


La Paz 


Central American 
States 


Thomas J. Jarvis, E. E. and M. P.... 

Henry C. Hall, E. E. and M. P 
Wm. R. Roberts, E. E. and M. P . 
Charles Denby, E. E. and M. P. 
Dabm y 11 . Maurey, Minister Res.... 
Hugh A. 1 )in>moi e, M . R . and C G. 
Rasmus P>. Anderson, M R. andC.G. 
Robert M. McLar.e, E. E. and M. P. 
Geo. H. Pendleton, E. E. and M. P. 
Kdward J. Phelps, E. E. and M. P... 
George V. Merrill, Minister Res . , , 
J. E. W. Thompson, M. R. and C. G. 

John B. Stal'o, E. E. and M. P 

Richard B. liubb-rd, E. E.andM. P. 
C. H. J. Taylor, M. R. and C. G 
Edward S. J'rage, E. E. and M. P.... 
Isaac Bell, Jr., Minister Res 

Tohn E. Bacon, Charge d'Aff ires ... 
E. Spencer Pratt, M. R. and C. G.... 
Chares W. Buck, E. E. and M. P ... 
Edward P. C. Lewis, M. R. andC.G. 

Walter Fearn, M. R. and C. G 




Chili 


Peking 








Colombia 


Bog ta 


7,500 

5.000 

5,000 

17,500 

*7>5°° 

17.500 

7,500 

5,000 

12,000 






Denmark 

Great Britain . .. 


Copenhagen 

Pars 

Berlin 


London 






Hayti 


Port au Prince 

Rome 

Yeddo 

Monrovia 


Liberia 


4,000 


Mexico 


Mexico ; 


Netherlands 


The Hague 


7,500 

5,000 
5,000 


Paraguay and Uru- 
guay 




Teheran 


Peru 


Lima 


Portugal 


Bucharest 


5,000 


Koumania, Servia, 
and Greece 




Geo V. N. Lothrop, E. E. and M. P. 
lacob T. Child, M. R. and C. G. .. 
Jabez L. M. Curry, E. E. and M. P.. 

Boyd Winchester, M. R. and C. G.... 
Oscar S. Strauss, F. E. and M. P 
Charles L. Scott, M. R. and C. G . 


Bangkok 






5,o->o 
12,010 

7,5» 

5.00M 
7,5<"» 
7>50 J > 


Sweden and Norway 


Madrid 


Constawtinople .... 


Turkey 



* M. R., Minister Resident ; C. G., Consul General. 

f E. E. and M. P., Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary. 



582 



OUR REPRESENTATIVES FROM ABROAD. 



OUR REPRESENTATIVES FROM ABROAD. 



Country, 




Argentine Republic 
Au ,tria-Hungary. 

Belgium „. 

Brazil 

Chili 

China 

Costa Rica 



Denmark 
Ecuador.., 
France .... 



Germany 

Great Britain 



Guatemala , 

1 [.iwaii 

Hayti , 



Italy.... 
Japan .. 
Mexico 



Netherlands 
Nicaragua... 



Portugal 
Russia ... 



Senor Don Vincente G. Quesada 

Don Severo Ygarzabal 

Chevalier Schmit von Tavera , 

Count lippe Weissenfeld 

Mr. de Ho under de Melsbrueck 

'ount Gaston d'Arschot 

ttaron de Itajuba 

Senhor Don Jose Ferriera da Costa. 

Senor Don Domingo Gana 

-^cnur i?eltiam Alathieu , 

Mr Chang Yen Hoon 

Mr. Sim Cheon Pon 

Scnor Pedro Perez Zeledon 

-eSor Don Fcderico Balio 

Mr P. L. E. de Lovenorn 

^eiior Don Antonio Flores (absent) . 



*E. E. and M. P. 

Secretary of Legation. 

E. E. andM. P. 

Counci'or of Legation. 

E. E. andM. P. 

Councilor ot Legation. 

E. E andM. P. 

Secretary of Legation. 

E. E. and M. P. 

Secretary. 

E. E. and M. P. 

Secretary of Legation. 

E. E. and M. P. 

Secretary of Legation. 

M. R. and C. G. 

E. E. and M. P. 

Mr. Theodore Roustan ... E. E and M. P. 

Count Maurice Sala |piist Secretary. 

Mr. H. von Alvensleben E. E. and M. P. 

(?aron von Zedtwitz jCharge d'Affaires. 

The Hon. Sir L. S. Sackville West JE. E. and M. P. 

Hon Henry Edwardes | First Secretary. 

Sefior Don Francisco Lainfiesta E. E. and M. P. 

Mr. H. A. P Carter E. E. and M. P. 

Mr. Stephen Preston |E. E. and M. P. 

Mr. Charles A. Preston jSccretarv of Legation. 

Baron dc Fava JE. E. and M. P. 

\jc Comte Alb rt de Foresta Secretary of Legation. 



Rank. 



Mr. lusammi Riuichi Kuki 

Mr. Shiro Akabane 

ieiior Don Matias Romero 

Sen ir Don Cayetano Romero. 
Mr G. de Weckherlin. ... 
-^efnr Don Horacio Guzman .. 
r-x-iior Don Roman Mayorga... 



Spain 

Sweden and Norway 
Switzerland 



Turkey 

Venezuela. 



E. E. andM. P. 
Secretary of Legation. 

F. E. and M. P. 
First Secretary. 
E. E. and M. P. 
E. E. and M. P. 
Secretary of Legatiou. 
E. E. and M. P. 

Mr. Charles de Struve (absent} F. E. and M. P. 

Baron Kosen Charge d Aff. ad int. 

eiior Don Emilio de Murunga E. E. and M. P. 

Sefior D >n Miguel Garcia Florez First Secretary. 

Mr. L de Peuterskiold 'E. E. andM. P. 

Mr. Sigurd Ibsen (Attache. 

Colonel Emile Frey IE. E. and M. P. 

Major Karl Kloss jSecretary of Legation. 

Mavroyeni Bey E. E. and M. P. 

Sefior Jose Antonio Olavarria 'Charge d'Affaires. 



* Envoy Extraordinary and. Minister Plenipotentiary. 



PAY OF CHIEF OFFICERS CI. S. NAVY. -g-, 

PAY OF THE CHIEF OFFICERS OF THE U. S. NAVY. 



Admiral 

Vice-Admiral 

Rear- Admirals 

Commodores , 

Captains 

Commanders 

Lieutenant-Commanders — 

First four years , 

After four years 

Lieutenants — First five years 

After five years 

Masters — First five years 

After five years , 

Ensigns — First five years 

After five years 

Midshipmen 

Cadet Midshipmen 

Mates 

Medical and Pay Directors, Inspectors, and 

Chief Engineers 

Fleet Surgeons, Paymasters, and Engineers. 
Surgeons, Paymasters, and Chief Engineers — 

First five years 

Second five years 

Third five years 

Fourth five years 

Aftertwenty years 

Passed Assistant Surgeons, Paymasters, and 

Engineers — First five years 

After five years 

Assistant Surgeons, Paymasters, and Engi- 
neers — 

First five years 

After five years 

Chaplains — First five years 

After five years 

Boatswains, Gunners, Carpenters, and Sail- 
makers — 

First three years 

Second three years 

Third three years 

Fourth three years 

After twelve years 

Cadet Engineers (after examination) 







On Leave 


At Sea. 


On Shore 


or \V; king 


i 


Duiy. 
$13,000 


Orders 


#I3,00° 


$I3,000 


9,000 


8,000 


6,000 


6,000 


5,000 


4,000 


5,000 


4,000 


3,000 


4,500 


3 500 


2,8oo 


3,500 


3,000 


2,300 


2,8oO 


2,400 


2,000 


3,000 


2,6oO 


2,200 


2,400 


2,000 


I,6oo 


2,600 


2,200 


I,8oo 


I,8oO 


1,500 


1,200 


2,000 


1,700 


1,400 


1,200 


1,000 


800 


1,400 


1,200 


1,000 


1,000 


800 


600 


500 


500 


500 


9OO 


700 


500 


4,400 






4,400 






2,80O 


2,400 


2,000 


3,200 


2,800 


2,400 


3,500 


3,200 


2,6oo 


3,700 


3,600 


2,8oo 


4,200 


4,000 


3,000 


2,000 


1,800 


1,500 


2,200 


2,000 


1,700 


1,700 


1,400 


I,000 


1,900 


1,600 


I,200 


2,500 


2,000 


I,000 


2,800 


2,300 


1,900 


1,200 


900 


700 


1,300 


1,000 


800 


1,400 


1,300 


9OO 


I,6oO 


1,300 


1,000 


1,800 


1,600 


1,200 


1,000 


800 


600 



584 



PA YMENTS FOR PENSIONS. 



PAY OF CHIEF OFFICERS OF THE U. S. ARMY. 



Pay of Officers in Active Service. 



Grade or Rank. 



General... 

Lieutenant-General ,.... 

Major-General 

Brigadier-General 

Colonel 

Lieutenant-Colonel 

Major 

Captain, mounted 

Captain, not mounted 

Regimental Adjutant 

Regimental Quartermaster... 

1st Lieutenant, mounted 

1st Lieutenant, not mounted 

2d Lieutenant, mounted 

2d Lieutenant, not mounted 
Chaplain ,.., 



Yearly Pay. 


First 5 


After 5 


After 10 


After 15 


After 20 


years 


years 


years 


years 


years 


service. 


service. 


service. 


service. 


service. 




IO p. c. 


20 p. C. 


30 /. c 


40 p. c. 


$i3,5°° 
11,000 


















7,500 
5,500 
3,500 


















£3,850 


$4,200 


£4,500 


£4,500 


3,000 


3>3°° 


3,600 


3»900 


4,000 


2,500 


2,750 


3,000 


3,250 


3,5O0 


2,000 


2,200 


2,400 


2,6oo 


2,8oo 


1,800 


1,980 


2,l6o 


2,340 


2,520 


1,800 


1,980 


2 r i6o 


2,340 


2,520 


1,800 


1,980 


2,160 


2,340 


2,520 


1,600 


1,760 


1,920 


2,o8o 


2,240 


1,500 


1,650 


1,800 


1,950 


2,IOO 


1,500 


1,650 


1,800 


1,950 


2,IOO 


1,400 


1,540 


1,680 


1,820 


I, 9 6o 


1,500 


1,650 


1,800 


^950 


2,IOO 



PAYMENTS FOR PENSIONS IN 1883. 



Pensions paid during the Year. 



Number of 
Pensioners. 



States. 



Maine 

M issachusetts , 

Illinois 

Ohio -.. 

New Hampshire... 

I- >\va 

Michigan 

Indiana 

Tennessee.. » , 

Kentucky 

Wisconsin „. 

New York 

Pennsylvania. 

Pennsylvania 

California ... 

New York , 

Kansas , 

Oist. of Columbia. 



For Regular 
Pensions. 



Dollars. 



1,948 
4^°45 
5,863 
5,636 
2.087 
3,616 

2.755 
5,100, 

2,842; 
1, 6 jo, 
3,282 
2,809 
3,»76 
3.°54 
408 
4,088 
4,' 74 
3,572 



453-54 
320.08 
,544-76 

.155-64 
440. 8 j 

997-31 
227.40 

507. 50 
4 jo. 69 
370.16 

322.78 

535-73 

762.17 

97^-95 
,379.66 

• 557-37 
,624 48 
,433-21 



For 
Arrears of 
Pensions 



Dollars. 

521.47 
4,091.60 
5,26 j.30 

8.431-57 
4,216.72 

i,4i3.73 
2,76^.28 
4,126.67 
7,48383 
7 35 -6o 
3,5*5-42 
3.965-93 
5.364.72 
4,081.47 

2,198.01 
8,053.01 
6,97°-37 



Salary and 

Expenses 

of Pension 

Agents. 



Dollars. 

11,938.11 
18,858.60 
22,643.97 
23,562.9) 
i3- 26 4-55 
M.358.56 
1 4,o39- 4 
17,483.23 

I 5,379-76 

8-353-37 

14>39 1I 3 

19,205.99 

1 7,997 49 
13 224.50 
5.859-22 
19,240.51 
16,438.17 
22,915-73 



Total 
Disburse- 
ments. 



Dollars. 

1,960,913.12 

4,068,270.28 

5,891,449-03 
5 608,150.20 
2,104,922.07 
3.632,769.60 
2,772,026.72 
5,122,117.40 
2,865,264.28 
1,616,077.13 
3,300,229.33 
2,8.32,707.65 
3,200,124.38 
3,072,281 92 
414,238.88 
4,109,995.89 
4. 19;, 115. 66 
3,601,319.31 



1882. 



11,526 
22,004 

23,557 
26,163 
11,028 
13,860 
11,999 
18,805 

17,693 
6,606 

13,033 
16,017 

18,715 

16,250 

1,962 

20,962 

i5,i93 
20.324 



1883. 



11,827 
23,495 
25 854 
27.686 
11,007 
16,051 
13,080 
20.921 
17,189 
7,001 

14-65? 
16,141 

19. 3°° 
16,006 
2,191 
22,338 
17,525 
2i,393 



ii 60,064.0 q.t 70 8->8. 7Q 288,154.92 60,431,972.8 5 285,69 7 3 3,6_53. 
Total payment for pensions in 1S87 ~ -»...... $75>°'9> 10 2 



BALANCE OF TRADE. 



585 



BALANCE OF TRADE. 

Showing our imports, our exports, and the excess either way for 

twenty years. 





Merchandise at 'Gold Value. 




Imports. Exports. 


Excess. 


1868 

1869 ... 

1870 


$3 "7 436,440 
417,506,379 
435 958,408 
520,223,684 
626,505,077 
642,136,210 
567,406,342 

533.005.436 
460,741,191 
451,323,126 
437,o5i,532 

445,777,775 
667,954,746 
642,664,628 

7^4,639,574 
723,180,914 
667,697,693 

577,527,329 
6*5,436.136 
692,319,768 


#281,952.899 

286,1 17,697 
392.771,768 
442,820,178 
444,>77,586 
522,479,317 
586,283,040 
513,441,711 
540,384,671 
602,475,220 
694,848,496 
710,439,441 
835,638,658 
902,367,346 
750.542,257 
823,839,402 
740,513,609 
742,189,755 
679524,830 
716,163,211 


Imports #75,483,541 
Imports 131,388,682 
Imports 43,186,640 
Imports 77,403,506 
Imports 182,417491 
Imports 119,656,2-8 
Exports 18,876,698 
Imports 19,563,725 
Exports 79,623,480 
Exports 152,152,094 
Exports 257,796,964 
Exports 264,661,666 
Exports 167,683,912 
Exports 259,702,7 1 8 
Exports 25,902,683 
Exports 100,658,488 
Exports 72,815,916 
Exports 164,662,426 
Exports 44.088,694 
Exports 23,863,443 


1871 

1872 


187; 


1874 

1875 


1876 


1877 

1878 

1879 

1880 


1881 

1882 


1883 

1884 


1885 


1886 

1887 





Specie. 




Imports. 


Exports. 


Excess. 


1868 


#14,188.368 
19,807,876 
26,419,179 
21,270,024 
13,743,689 
21,480,937 
28 454.906 
20,900,727 
15,936,681 
40,774,414 
29,821,314 
20,296,000 

93>°34,3io 

no,575,497 
42,472,390 

28,489,391 
37,426,262 
43,242,323 
38.593656 
60,170,792 


#93,784,102 
57,138.380 
58,155,666 
98,441,988 

79.877,534 
84,608,574 
56,630,405 
92,132,142 
56,506 302 
56,162,237 
33,733,225 

24,997,441 
17,142,919 
19,406,847 

49,417,479 
31,820,333 

67,133,383 
42,231.525 
72,463.410 
35.997,691 


Exports #79595,734 
Exports 37,330,50 «■ 
Exports 3 1 ,7 16 486 


1869 


1870 


1871 

1872 


Exports 77,171.964 
Exports 66,133,845 
Exports 63.127,637 
Exports 28,175,499 
Exports 71,231,425 
Exports 40,569,621 
Exports 15,387,753 
Exports 3,911,9(1 
Exports 4,701,441 


1873 

1874 

1875 

1876 

1877 

1879 


1880.... 

1881 

882 


Imports 75, 8 9 I ,39 I 
Imports 91,168,650 
Exports 6,945,089 


883 

1885 

1886 

1S87 


Exports 3,330,942 
Exports 29,707,121 
Imports 1.010,798 
Exports 33-869,754 
Imports 24,173,101 



5 86 



REVENUES OF THE UNITED STATES. 



Year Ended 

June 30. 



w 

W 
> 

o 

E- 

u 

H 



W 
> 

w 

w 



858. 

859. 

860. 

861. 

862. 

863. 

864. 

865. 

866 

867. 

868. 

869. 

S70 

871 

S72. 

873- 

874. 

875. 
876. 

877. 
878. 

879. 
880. 
881. 
8S2. 
883. 



Amount 
collected. 



$41,789,620.96 
49,565,824.38 
53,157,511.87 
39,582,125.64 

49>°5 6 ,397-62 

69,059,642.40 

102,316,152.99 

84 928,260.60 

179,046,651.58 

176,417,810.88 

i64,464,599-5 6 
180,048,426.63 

194,538.37444 
2o6,27o ; 4o8.o5 
216,370,286.77 
188,089.522.70 
163,103,833.69 
157 167,722.35 
148,071,984.61 

i3°,95 6 .493-°7 
130,170,680.20 
1377250,047 70 
186,522,064.60 
198 159 076.02 
2:0,410,730.2 s 
214,706,496.93 



863 1 £37,640,787.95 

864 109,741,134.10 



865, 
866. 
867. 
868. 
S69. 
870. 
871. 
872. 

873 

874. 

875. 
876. 

877 
878. 

879. 
880. 
881. 
882. 
883 



209,464,215.25 
309,226,813.42 
266,027,537.43 
191,087,589.41 
158,356,460.86 
184,899.756.49 
143,098,153.63 
130,642,177.72 

II3.729 3H-I4 

102,409,784.90 
110,007,493.58 
116,700,732.03 
118,630,407.83 
110,581,624.74 
113,561,610.58 
124,009,37392 
135,264,385.51 
146,497, 5Q545 
144,720,368.98 



Expense 
of collecting. 



Per cent, 
of cost. 



#2,903,336.89 
3,407,931.77 
3,337,188.15 

2,843455.84 
3,276,560.39 

3.181,026.17 

4,192,582.43 
5,415,449.32 
5,342,469.99 

5>763>979-oi 
7,641,116.68 
5,388,082.31 
6,233,747.68 
6,568,350.61 
6,95°,i73-88 
7,077,864.70 
7,321,469.94 
7,028,521.80 
6,704,858.09 

6,5oi,o37-57 
5,826,974.32 
5,477,421.52 
0,023,253. ^3 
6,383.288.10 
('.506.359.26 
6,593,509-43 

$108,685.00 
253>372.99 

385.239-52 

5,783,128.77 

7,335,° 2 9-8i 
8,705,366.36 
7,257,176.11 
7,253439-8i 
7,593,714.17 
5,694,116.86 
5,340,230.00 

4,5 9976.o5 
4,289,442.71 
3.942,613.72 

3,556,943-85 
3,280,162 22 
3,527.956.56 
3,657,105.10 

4.327,793.24 
4.097,241.34 
4,424,707,39 



6.94 
6.85 
6.27 
7.18 
6.67 
4.60 
4.09 

6-39 
2.98 
3.26 

4.65 

2.99 

3.20 

3.18 

3.21 

3-76 

449 

447 

53 

96 

47 

99 

23 

22 

95 
07 



0.29 
0.23 
0.18 
1.87 

2.77 

4-55 

4-59 
3-92 
5-3° 
4-3 6 
4.69 
4.40 

3-89 
3-38 

2-99 
2.96 
3.16 

2-95 
^.20 

2-79 
305 



PUBLIC DEBT OF THE UNITED STATES. 



537 



PUBLIC DEBT OF THE UNITED STATES. 
[ To January 1st of each year to 1842. To July 1st, from 18 43- 1883.] 



791 £75463,476 5 2 

79 2 77,227,924 66 

793 80,352,634 04 

794 78,427,404 77 

795 80,747,587 39 

79 6 83,762,172 07 

797 82,064,479 ^ 

798 79,228,529 12 

799 78,408,669 77 

800 ' 82,976,294 35 

Soi 83,038,050 80 

802 86,712,632 25 

8o 3 77,054,686 30 

804 86,427,120 88 

805 82,312,150 50 

806 75,723,270 66 

807 69,218,398 64 

808 65,196,317 97 

80 9 57,023,192 09 

810 53,173,217 5 2 

811. 48,005,587 76 

812 45> 2 °9,737 9° 

8l 3 55,962,827 57 

814 81,487,846 24 

81 5 99> 8 33,66o 15 

816 127,334,933 74 

Si 7 1 23, 4 9 1, 965 16 

8 i8 103,466,633 S^ 

8 '9 95,529,648 28 

820 91,015,566 15 

821 89.987,427 66 

822 93,546,676 98 

82 3 90,875,877 28 

824 90,269,777 77 

82 5 8 3,7 88 432 71 

826 81,054,059 99 

82 7 73,9^7,357 20 

828 67,475,043 .87 

829 58,421,413 67 

830 48.565,406 50 

8 3* 39,123,191 68 

8 3 2 24,322,235 18 

^33 7,001,698 83 

8 34 4,760,082 08 

8 35 37,513 05 

£36 336,957 8 3 

837 3,308.124 07 

8 3 8 , #10,434,221 14 

8 39 3,573,343 82 



f4° 5,25o, 8 75 54 

8 4* i3,594,4 8 o 73 

842 20,601,226 28 

8 43 32,742,922 00 

8 44 23,461,652 50 

f45 15,925,303 01 

846 15,550,202 97 

f47 3^26,534 77 

M8 47,044,862 23 

8 49 63,061,858 69 

f5° 63,452,773 55 

8 5 x 68,304,796 02 

8 5 2 66,199,341 71 

8 53 59,803,117 70 

8 54 • 42,242,222 42 

f55 35,5S6,8 5 8 56 

856 31,972,537 90 

f57 28,699,831 85 

8 5 8 44,911,881 03 

859 58,496,837 88 

S6o 64,842,287 88 

861 90,580,873 72 

862 524,176,412 13 

86 J 1,119,772,138 63 

86 4 1,815,784,370 57 

865 2,680,647,869 74 

866 2,773,236,173 69 

8 67 2,678,126.103 87 

868 2,611,687,851 19 

869 2,588,452,213 94 

870 2,480,672,427 81 

8 / J 2,353,211,332 32 

872 2,253,251,328 78 

873 2,234,482,993 20 

874 2,251,690,468 43 

8 75 - 2,232,284,531 95 

876 2,180,395 067 15 

877 2,205,301,392 10 

878 2,256,205,892 53 

8 79 2,245,495,072 04 

880 2,120,415,370 63 

881 2,069,013,569 58 

882 1,918,312,994 03 

883 1,884,171^728 07 

8S4 1,838,904,607 57 

885 1,8723:0.557 14 

886 1,783.438,697 78 

887 1,700,7; 1.764 68 



5S8 



POST-OFFICE. 



BUSINESS OF THE POST-OFFICE YEAR ENDING JUNE 30, 

18S7. 

Number of post-offices in the United States 55^57 

Number of Presidential post-offices* 2 ,336 

Length of public mail routes 377,442 

Length of railroad routes 130,949 

Length of steamboat routes IO -597 

Length of other routes (Star service) 235,896 

Aggregate cost of service $28,031,106 

Postage stamps, envelopes, and cards sold $45,670,984 

Number of registered letters 12,524,421 

Fees on registered matter #1,034,677 

Dead letters received 5,578,965 

Cost of free-delivery #4,618,692 

Receipts of postage on local matter...., $6,691,253 

Number of money orders (domestic) 9,232,177 

Amount of money orders (domestic) #117,462,661 

Fees for money orders (domestic) $912,876 

Number of money orders (foreign) 615,405 

Amount of money orders (foreign) $9-°35>530 

Fees for money orders (foreign) $112,093 

Cost of the ocean mail service , $425,818 

Number of postal-notes issued 6,307,552 

Amount of postal-notes issued $11,768,825 

Amount of fees for postal-notes $189,844 

* Where the salary exceeds $1 ,000 per annum, and Postmasters are appointed by the 
President and confirmed by the Senate. 



5Fp 23 134S 



